Για τη μεγάλη νίκη της Επανάστασης στη Βενεζουέλα

Εξαίρετο απόσαπσμα από ανακοίνωση της διεθνούς οργάνωσης "Global Exchange" σχετικά με τη μεγάλη νίκη του Τσάβες στη Βενεζουέλα. Σε πείσμα των σταλινικών, τίποτε δεν μπορεί να ανακόψει την πορεία της χώρας προς έναν Ανανεωτικό Κομμουνισμό με Ελευθερία, Δημοκρατία και ΔΙΑΤΗΡΗΣΗ ΤΟΥ ΠΟΛΥΚΟΜΜΑΤΙΣΜΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΤΩΝ ΕΛΕΥΘΕΡΩΝ ΕΚΛΟΓΩΝ.

A week ago today, the forces for good in the world achieved a major victory with the reaffirmation of Hugo Chαvez as the democratically-elected President of Venezuela. The social transformation of Venezuela, particularly the use of national oil revenues to benefit all Venezuelans through health care, education, land distribution, economic development, and food security programs won the day over a traditional elite and their greed for power - notwithstanding the opposition's near-monopoly over the media and support from their allies in Washington. This will be an even bigger strike against the potential of the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA). Venezuela has played a leading role in working to stop the FTAA, and instead build regional trade and political alliances among countries of Central and South America and the Caribbean. Popular civic participation, from local community organizations to the national Indigenous federation, the national campesino federation and the national network of Afro-Venezuelans, mobilized 6 million Venezuelans to vote to keep President Chαvez in office - close to twice as many as elected him in 2000. It was the highest voter participation in any election in Venezuela's history (10 million of the 14 million registered voters), and an incredible exercise in democracy. Social movements across Latin America, including the CUT, PT, and MST in Brazil; the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo of Argentina; Eduardo Galeano of Uruguay; Global Exchange (see article 2); and the Hemispheric Social Alliance were there to celebrate the victory. For the first time in 20 years, a Latin American government won an election because of what they actually did for poor people! Unfortunately, an opposition group funded by the US government to 'promote democracy' did a fraudulent exit poll that showed that Chαvez lost - which has now put the opposition in the increasingly absurd position of rejecting the outcome and crying fraud. The opposition has once more shown their contempt for democracy by attempting to de-legitimize Chavez's victory -- against Jimmy Carter's verdict that the election was free and fair (see article 4). We must now step up the pressure on the Bush administration to stop funding coup leaders to destabilize Venezuelan democracy (see article 5.) Mostly, I hope we can all take a moment to celebrate one of the most exciting victories in the history of social justice organizing in decades! With much love and hope, Deborah 1. AP: Victorious Chavez vows to continue his 'revolution for the poor' 2. Alternet.org, Medea Benjamin: Why Hugo Chαvez Won a Landslide Victory 3. NYTimes: The Chαvez Victory: A Blow to the Bush Administration 4. AP: US Firm in Hot Water in Venezuela 5. LA Times: Chavez Camp Accuses US of Pushing for His Recall *************************************************** Victorious Chavez vows to continue his 'revolution for the poor' Alexandra Olson Tuesday, August 17, 2004 Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez waves to supporters from the balcony of the Presidential Palace. (AP/Marcelo Hernandez) CARACAS, Venezuela - Venezuelans overwhelmingly voted to keep President Hugo Chαvez in office, dealing a crushing defeat to a splintered opposition and allowing the leftist leader to convert one of the biggest challenges of his presidency into an even broader mandate to carry on his "revolution for the poor." Stunned opposition leaders, who have fought for years to oust Chαvez, claimed fraud after results announced Monday by election officials showed nearly 60 percent of voters had said "no" to the question of whether he should leave office immediately. But former President Jimmy Carter and the Organization of American States endorsed the results of Sunday's vote, which saw one of the biggest turnouts in Venezuela's history, and urged everybody to accept the outcome. "Now it's the responsibility of all Venezuelans to accept the results and work together for the future," Carter said. Chαvez's victory underscored the resilience of a leftist firebrand who has bluntly challenged "imperialist" U.S. foreign policies and cozied up to Cuban President Fidel Castro. "Hopefully, from this day on Washington will respect the government and the people of Venezuela," Chαvez proclaimed, speaking from a balcony at the presidential palace to thousands of supporters celebrating under a light rain. Polling stations stayed open past midnight as millions of voters waited up to 12 hours in lines that snaked for several street blocks. Carter said it was the biggest turnout of any election he has monitored, estimating almost 10 million citizens voted in the oil-rich South American country of 24 million. A 62-year-old woman died and four others were wounded after a group of apparently pro-Chαvez motorcyclists fired into a small opposition protest in a Caracas plaza, said Caracas Fire Chief Rodolfo Briceno. Opposition lawmaker Ernesto Alvarenga was among those hurt, Briceno said. Chαvez, who is seen as a hero by Venezuela's majority poor but as authoritarian by his critics, particularly among the wealthy, vowed to continue his "revolution for the poor." "Venezuela has changed forever," the 50-year-old former paratrooper declared. "There is no turning back." Despite an economic recession and 15 percent unemployment, Chαvez won widespread support among the poor by spending millions of dollars to teach adults to read, send Cuban doctors to slums and give loans to farmers and small businesses. U.S. State Department spokesman Tom Casey called the referendum part of a process of national reconciliation but said allegations of fraud should be investigated. "The important thing about this process is that it helps achieve a peaceful, democratic, constitutional solution to Venezuela's ongoing political crisis," Casey said in Washington. "That's the starting point that we went into this with. That's where we are now." News of Chαvez's victory settled some fears that the country would plunge into chaos and affect oil exports, driving down crude oil prices Monday from record highs. Venezuela, with the largest oil reserves outside the Middle East, is the world's fifth-largest oil exporter and provides almost 15 percent of U.S. oil imports. Chαvez on Monday promised "stability in the oil market." State oil company Petroleos de Venezuela S.A., or PDVSA, reported no supply disruptions and said exports were "completely normal." Francisco Carrasquero, president of the National Elections Council, said that with 94 percent of the votes counted, 58 percent had said "no" to the question of whether Chαvez should leave office and 42 percent voted "yes." Opposition activists, who never came up with a clear plan for running Venezuela or even a candidate to succeed Chαvez, glumly watched the victory celebration on television at their headquarters. Some burst into tears and angrily called for street protests. The opposition Democratic Coordinator coalition, which said its exit polls showed 60 percent in favor of ousting Chαvez and 40 percent against it, had demanded a manual recount. Two opposition-aligned directors of the National Elections Council complained they were not allowed to monitor the tallying of preliminary results, as the three pro-government directors did. But Carter, a Nobel Peace laureate, said the official results "coincided" with his own team's findings. OAS Secretary-General Cesar Gaviria, speaking at a joint news conference with Carter, also said observers "have not found any element of fraud in the process." He said the OAS was willing to listen to opposition concerns "but not to put the results in doubt." The first-ever recall vote for a president in Venezuela's history was aimed at putting a lid on years of violence and political unrest, including a two-month general strike last year that crippled the economy and paralyzed oil exports. Nineteen people were killed in an anti-Chαvez protest before he was ousted in a two-day April 2002 coup. Dozens more people were killed and hundreds wounded before Chαvez was returned to power amid a popular uprising. Political riots last March claimed a dozen more lives. Chαvez, who was re-elected to a six-year term in 2000, has now gained momentum ahead of September regional elections and 2005 congressional elections. His allies already control the National Assembly and most state governments. ******************************************************** Why Hugo Chαvez Won a Landslide Victory Medea Benjamin, AlterNet, August 18, 2004 Go to the barrios of Caracas, and it becomes obvious why the recall effort against Hugo Chαvez failed: providing people with free health care, education, small business loans and job training is a good way to win the hearts and minds of the people. When the rule of Venezuelan President Hugo Chαvez was reaffirmed in a landslide 58-42 percent victory on Sunday, the opposition who put the recall vote on the ballot was stunned. They obviously don't spend much time in the nation's poor neighborhoods. I knew Chαvez would win the referendum when I met Olivia Delfino in a poor Caracas barrio that our international election delegation visited. Olivia came running out of her tiny house and grabbed my arm. "Tell the people of your country that we love Hugo Chαvez," she insisted. She went on to tell me how her life had changed since he came to power. After living in the barrio for 40 years, she now had a formal title to her home and a bank loan to fix the roof so it wouldn't leak. Thanks to the Cuban dentists and a program called "Rescatando la sonrisa" - recovering the smile - for the first time in her life she was able to get her teeth fixed. And her daughter is in a job training program to become a nurse's assistant. Getting more and more animated, Olivia dragged me over to a poster on the wall showing Hugo Chαvez with a throng of followers and a list of Venezuela's new social programs that read: "The social programs are ours, let's defend them." Then slowly and laboriously, she began reading the list of social programs: literacy, health care, job training, land reform, subsidized food, small loans. I asked her if she was just learning to read and write as part of the literacy program. That's when she started crying. "Can you imagine what's it has meant to me, at 52 years old, to now have a chance to read?" she said. "It's transformed my life." Walk through poor barrios in Venezuela and you'll hear the same stories over and over. The very poor can now go to a designated home in the neighborhood to pick up a hot meal every day. The elderly have monthly pensions that allow them to live with dignity. Young people can take advantage of greatly expanded free college programs. And with 13,000 Cuban doctors spread throughout the country and reaching over half the population, the poor now have their own family doctors on call 24-hours a day - doctors who even make house calls. This heath care, including medicines, are all free. The programs are being paid for with the income from Venezuela's oil, which is at an all-time high. Previously, the nation's oil wealth benefited only a small, well-connected elite who kept themselves in power for 40 years through an electoral duopoly. The vast majority in this oil-rich nation remained poor, disenfranchised, and disempowered. With the election of Hugo Chαvez in 1998 on a platform of sharing the nation's oil wealth with the poorest, all that has changed. The poor are now not only recipients of these programs, they are actively engaged in running them. They're turning abandoned buildings into neighborhood centers, running community kitchens, volunteering to teach in the literacy programs and organizing neighborhood health brigades. Infuriated by their loss of power, the elite have used their control over the media to blast Chαvez for destroying the economy, cozying up to Fidel Castro, antagonizing the US government, expropriating private property, and governing through dictatorial rule. The opposition managed to collect enough signatures to trigger this Sunday's referendum on the president's mandate. Chαvez supporters, bolstered by almost every poll, expected to win. "The opposition can lie all they want about Chαvez," said Olivia defiantly, "but the facts speak for themselves. Before no one cared about us, the poor. Now they do." The opposition accuse Chαvez of using the social programs that have so improved the lives of the poor as a way to gain voters. In this, the opposition is right: providing people with free health care, education, small business loans and job training is certainly a good way to win the hearts and minds of the people. Sunday's overwhelming victory for Chαvez has given him an even stronger mandate for his "revolution for the poor." It should also give George Bush and John Kerry reason to rethink their attitude towards Hugo Chαvez. Rather than demonizing him as a new Fidel Castro and stoking the opposition, US leaders should embrace Venezuela's social transformation and the way it is empowering people like Olivia Delfino. ************************************************ 3. The Chαvez Victory: A Blow to the Bush Administration Juan Forero The New York Times August 20, 2004 http://www.nytimes.com/2004/08/20/international/americas/20vene.html CARACAS, Venezuela, Aug. 19 - When President Hugo Chαvez was ousted in a coup two years ago, the Bush administration celebrated, calling the ouster his own doing. The rest of Latin America was left fuming by the overthrow and expressed strong support for Mr. Chαvez as he was almost immediately swept back into power in a popular uprising. On Sunday, when Mr. Chαvez triumphed over his adversaries in a referendum on whether he should be recalled from office, countries from Brazil to Argentina, Colombia to Spain heartily congratulated him. The United States remained silent for more than a day, until a State Department spokesman, Adam Ereli, offered tepid backing for the "preliminary results." The resounding victory was a blow to the Bush administration, which has struggled with how to deal with Mr. Chαvez, a leftist firebrand who presides over the world's fifth-largest oil exporter and has opposed Washington on every major initiative in Latin America. "There's no doubt in my mind that at least in the White House - I don't know about the State Department - there was a deep desire to see Chαvez lose," said former President Jimmy Carter, whose Carter Center monitored the election and who has briefed American officials on his efforts to broker a peace between the government and its opponents. Now, the United States has the challenge of constructing, from the ground up, a new relationship with Mr. Chαvez, who has done everything imaginable to antagonize what he calls "the colossus to the north." He has used an expletive to describe President Bush, threatened to hold back oil sales if the United States invaded, and expanded Venezuela's ties with Cuba. His campaign to win in the vote was built largely on demonizing the United States. "The Bush government will be defeated on Sunday," Mr. Chαvez told reporters three days before the recall vote. "The confrontation in Venezuela is not really with this opposition. The opposition has a master, whose name is George W. Bush." American diplomats privately say they do not think that Mr. Chαvez believes his public statements, and that he manipulates latent anti-Americanism for political gain. But American policy has been largely counterproductive, only contributing to Mr. Chαvez's increasingly hostile barbs. The United States long ago threw its lot in with an opposition movement that is being discredited by foreign diplomats and many Venezuelans for insisting that fraud took place when the preponderance of evidence indicates it did not. The United States has also provided money to groups like Sϊmate, which violated elections norms early on Monday by distributing results of a survey of voters leaving the polls that showed Mr. Chαvez losing by a wide margin. Mr. Chαvez seized on this financing of anti-government groups, channeled through the National Endowment for Democracy, to whip his supporters into an anti-American frenzy. "The United States is stuck in a time warp," said Riordan Roett, director of Latin American studies at The Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University. "It is using tools from the cold war, when money from the National Endowment for Democracy was useful in funding anti-Communist movements." The United States policy has largely been out of step with the rest of the region. Washington has been unable to grasp the widespread reaction against free market changes across Latin America, changes now being rolled back by left-leaning leaders. In Venezuela, the United States has operated on the presumption that Mr. Chαvez's opponents had more support, clearly underestimating that most Venezuelans would vote to keep him in office. "It's not that the U.S. is not paying attention, it's that their calculation and strategy was wrong," said Eduardo Gamarra, a Bolivian who is director of the Latin America and Caribbean Center at Florida International University in Miami. "And it's been wrong because it's been based on the false assumption that Chαvez is not popular, on the false assumption that he's a dictator." After Mr. Chαvez's resounding win, the Bush administration set itself apart from the rest of the region, calling on the Venezuelan government's electoral board to "allow a transparent audit," though international monitors pronounced the election free and fair. On Tuesday, Mr. Ereli, the State Department spokesman, dodged questions from reporters about why the United States was not congratulating Mr. Chαvez. A senior State Department official later said the United States' reticence was intended to defuse tensions in Venezuela, not to dismiss the results. He said Washington would issue a broader statement backing the results after a final audit. Not all of Washington's diplomatic moves here have failed. Ambassador Charles Shapiro, newly arrived in Venezuela when Mr. Chαvez was briefly ousted in 2002, met frequently with him, patching up a relationship that was battered after the White House expressed support for the interim government that replaced him. The United States has also remained a loyal buyer of Venezuelan crude oil. American giants like Exxon Mobil and ChevronTexaco are producing oil and eyeing an expansion into largely undeveloped natural gas fields that are open to foreign investment. Those companies, and other major multinational businesses, provided Venezuela with much-needed foreign earnings when the opposition called nationwide strikes that battered the economy. Those commercial links can strengthen the bond between Venezuela and the United States, which is dependent on Venezuelan crude. "The business sector, the large business sector, has understood better the making of foreign policy than our government," Mr. Gamarra said. "They looked at it from the perspective of what business opportunities ought to be.'' Better relations with Mr. Chαvez are possible. With his presidency more secure since the vote, he has appeared open to reconciliation. He has invited opposition leaders to lunch and has expressed the wish for a new beginning with the United States. "I would hope that President Chαvez would now cool that anti-U.S. rhetoric," Mr. Carter said. "There's no doubt that Chαvez is a charismatic figure, very fiery in his rhetoric, which I deplore. But that's his personal characteristic, one of the avenues of his popularity among Venezuelans. I think now, though, that he is not campaigning for anything." ************************************************************ 4) U.S. Poll Firm in Hot Water in Venezuela The Associated Press Thursday 19 August 2004 CARACAS, Venezuela Aug. 19, 2004 ‹ A U.S. firm's exit poll that said President Hugo Chavez would lose a recall referendum has landed in the center of a controversy following his resounding victory. "Exit Poll Results Show Major Defeat for Chavez," the survey, conducted by Penn, Schoen & Berland Associates, asserted even as Sunday's voting was still on. But in fact, the opposite was true Chavez ended up trouncing his enemies and capturing 59 percent of the vote. Any casual observer of the 2000 U.S. presidential elections knows exit polls can at times be unreliable. But the poll has become an issue here because the opposition, which mounted the drive to force the leftist leader from office, insists it shows the results from the vote itself were fraudulent. The opposition also claims electronic voting machines were rigged, but has provided no evidence. Election officials banned publication or broadcast of any exit polls during the historic vote on whether to oust Chavez, a populist who has sought to help the poor and is reviled by the wealthy, who accuse him of stoking class divisions. But results of the Penn, Schoen & Berland survey were sent out by fax and e-mail to media outlets and opposition offices more than four hours before polls closed. It predicted just the opposite of what happened, saying 59 percent had voted in favor of recalling Chavez. Cesar Gaviria, secretary general of the Organization of American States who monitored the referendum, said the poll must have had a tremendous impact on Chavez's opponents, who felt they were about to complete their two-year drive to oust him. "They were told they had a lead of 20 points and then when the results came, they lost by 20 points," Gaviria said. "It's very difficult to deal with that." Both Gaviria and former President Jimmy Carter, another election monitor, endorsed the vote, saying the results coincided with their own independent samplings. Mark Penn, of Penn, Schoen & Berland Associates, said Wednesday he has limited knowledge of the exit poll. He said his partner, Doug Schoen, "believes there were more problems with the voting than with the exit poll." Schoen could not immediately be reached, and another employee familiar with the poll declined to comment. "We have to let the authorities do their investigation of the election," said Marcela Berland, with the firm. "It would be irresponsible to interfere with that." Critics of the exit poll have questioned how it was conducted because officials have said Penn, Schoen & Berland worked with a U.S.-funded Venezuela group that the Chavez government considers hostile. Penn, Schoen & Berland had members of Sumate, a Venezuelan group that helped organize the recall initiative, do the fieldwork for the poll, election observers said. Roberto Abdul, a Sumate official, acknowledged in a telephone interview that the firm "supervised" an exit poll carried out by Sumate. Abdul added that at least five exit polls were completed for the opposition, with all pointing to a Chavez victory. Abdul said Sumate which has received a $53,400 grant from the National Endowment for Democracy, which in turn receives funds from the U.S. Congress did not use any of those funds to pay for the surveys. The issue is potentially explosive because even before the referendum, Chavez himself cited Washington's funding of Sumate as evidence that the Bush administration was financing efforts to oust him an allegation U.S. officials deny. Venezuelan Minister of Communications Jesse Chacon said it was a mistake for Sumate to be involved in the exit poll because it might have skewed the results. "If you use an activist as a pollster, he will eventually begin to act like an activist," Chacon told The Associated Press. Chris Sabatini, senior program officer for the National Endowment for Democracy, defended Sumate as "independent and impartial." "Exit polls are notoriously unreliable," Sabatini said by telephone from Washington. "Just because they're off doesn't mean that the group that conducted them is partial to one side." AP reporters Juan Pablo Toro in Caracas and Will Lester in Washington contributed to this report. *********************************************************** Chαvez Camp Accuses U.S. of Pushing for His Recall Ken Silverstein and Carol J. Williams The Los Angeles Times August 13, 2004 http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-venez13aug13,1,4376313.s tory Some members of groups funded by the National Endowment for Democracy have ties to the 2002 coup leaders. Venezuela votes Sunday. CARACAS, Venezuela - As this bitterly divided nation approaches a vote Sunday on whether to recall populist President Hugo Chαvez, he and his supporters are accusing Washington of interfering in Venezuela's affairs by providing about $2 million to opposition groups. Grants from the National Endowment for Democracy to more than a dozen organizations over two years account for only a fraction of opposition funding. But because some members of the U.S.-supported groups have ties to the opponents who briefly deposed Chαvez in April 2002, the former paratrooper contends that the funding backs another effort to oust him. "Washington has been financing the opposition with millions, including for this referendum," Chαvez said during a news conference Thursday at the presidential palace. Chαvez won the presidency in December 1998, and his rule has polarized this country, one of the world's largest oil producers. After the 2002 coup and a two-month national strike failed, opponents changed strategy to focus on a recall campaign. This spring, they submitted 2.5 million signatures, slightly more than the 20% of registered voters required to trigger a recall. The Venezuela Solidarity Committee, a New York-based nonprofit group, obtained several thousand pages of documents on NED programs in Venezuela under the Freedom of Information Act and provided them to the Los Angeles Times and other media. At issue is whether the endowment strayed from its mandate to support the development of democracy by assisting nonpartisan grass-roots organizations. The NED technically is a private organization, but it receives most of its budget - about $80 million this year - from Congress and other taxpayer-financed sources. Chris Sabatini, the NED's director for Latin American programs, defended the endowment funding and denied that it was aimed at destabilizing Chαvez's government. He said the group was trying to promote dialogue in Venezuela and opposed any unconstitutional actions against Chαvez. "In a situation of political polarization, if you want to pull people back from the brink of conflict, you have to work with people at the brink," Sabatini said. Chαvez supporters see more ominous intentions. "The NED says its goal is to build democracy, but it is giving money to people who were key players in the coup and who are trying to oust a democratically elected president," said Deborah James of the Washington-based Venezuela Information Office. One grant of $42,000 went to a group called Leadership and Vision to train Caracas police "in democratic rights and responsibilities, and the peaceful resolution of conflict." Though he described the NED contribution as "totally insignificant," the group's leader, economist Gerver Torres, said the training project "should have been welcomed by a government committed to the public's interests." The private, nonprofit group aims to educate voters and encourage broader participation in the country's decision-making, he said. But Chαvez supporters say that some members of the capital's police force, under the control of an opposition mayor, supported the coup. And Oscar Garcia Mendoza, who signed Leadership and Vision's grant agreement with the NED, also signed a newspaper advertisement two days after Chαvez's brief ouster that declared "unconditional support" for the coup government. Join Up, another group that received NED funding, said the money it received was spent on voter education and activities that equally benefited the pro- and anti-Chαvez camps. Join Up said it received $35,000; the NED grant lists it as $54,000. "None of this was hidden from anyone. We are extremely transparent," said one of the group's leaders, Alejandro Plaz. He denied the government charge that Maria Corina Machado, another leader of the group, attended the swearing-in of Pedro Carmona, the oil executive who replaced Chαvez until an uprising of the poor restored him to power. Late last month, government prosecutors here announced that they were investigating Machado on conspiracy charges for having accepted NED funding. Chαvez supporters accuse Join Up of being openly hostile to Chαvez. The group's website says it "collected and processed signatures" in support of a recall vote. The grant agreement between the group and the NED lists promoting support for the recall referendum as a "project objective." Some recipients, such as the avidly anti-Chαvez political party Justice First, make no pretense of being nonpartisan. Several prominent members of the party supported the coup leaders. One of them, Leopoldo Martinez, was finance minister in the coup government. The NED also has given money to a conservative think tank known as CEDICE to help it draft "a viable [opposition] agenda." Rocνo Guijarro, the group's general manager, signed the coup decree that abolished Venezuela's Constitution, Supreme Court and National Assembly. Several members of CEDICE's project advisory committee attended Carmona's swearing-in. "In principle, NED is an independent tool to promote democracy, but in practice it has been a weapon for regime change against governments the U.S. deems as undesirable," said Peter Kornbluh, a Latin America policy specialist at the National Security Archives, a nonprofit research group in Washington. "Its actions are particularly controversial in Venezuela, where the regime is democratically elected." Chαvez says Venezuela's oil wealth should fund relief for the poor, and his power base is estimated by pollsters to be about 30% of the nation's 25 million people. A roughly equal share of middle class and elite despise Chαvez, saying he has steered the economy down a path of communist-style revolution that has reduced per capita income, foreign investment and employment. Until Chαvez's tenure, the United States had enjoyed close relations with Venezuela. According to the Energy Department, the South American country has 77.8 billion barrels of proven oil reserves, the most in the Western Hemisphere. It accounts for about one-eighth of U.S. oil imports. One point of contention has been Chαvez's role at the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries, where he has fought to maintain production quotas and keep oil prices high. Before his election, Venezuela regularly exceeded its OPEC production targets, the Energy Department said. The White House initially endorsed the 2002 coup, but it backed off after 19 Latin American countries condemned it. A State Department inspector general report subsequently concluded that the Bush administration did not have advance knowledge of the coup and "worked to support democracy and constitutionality in Venezuela." However, the report said the U.S. was in close contact with Chαvez's opponents and that its "displeasure with certain of President Chαvez's policies, actions and relationships was well-known by his opponents in Caracas." Chαvez has a close relationship with Cuban leader Fidel Castro. The inspector general found that the NED and other U.S. assistance programs "provided training, institution building, and other support to individuals and organizations understood to be actively involved in the brief ouster of the Chαvez government." The report found no evidence that the NED's support "directly contributed, or was intended to contribute," to the coup.

Venezuela: President Chávez must recognize and respect legitimate human rights work Press release, 18/02/2004 Amnesty International said today that President Hugo Chávez must respect the right of non-governmental human rights organizations to carry out their legitimate work; such work is underpinned by international human rights treaties which the Venezuelan Government has willingly pledged to uphold. "In the current climate in Venezuela, random and unsubstantiated allegations against human rights organizations such as COFAVIC, PROVEA and Red de Apoyo, suggesting that their legitimate human rights activities are intended to fuel political turmoil could expose members of these organizations to serious dangers, including threats and intimidation," added Amnesty International. Amnesty International said today it was also concerned that President Chávez did not appear to be familiar with the universal principal that all individuals and groups all over the world are free to collaborate and to exchange information and expertise for the purpose of protecting and defending universally recognized human rights and fundamental freedoms. Amnesty International said it was deeply worried that slurs and attacks against human rights organizations could further destabilize the already difficult situation in Venezuela. Non-governmental human rights organizations have and do play a crucial role in upholding the rule of law in Venezuela. Most recently such organizations contributed to developing the new constitution and legal reforms, they have also defended the rights of the poor and most marginalised sectors of society and attested the break in constitutional order of the attempted coup of 2002. The Venezuelan President should retract allegations against human rights organizations and recognize the important contribution these organizations have made, over several decades, in seeking to establish a country in which the rights and dignity of individuals from all sectors of society are converted from myth into reality.

στη διαρκεια των Ολυμπιακων αγωνων.Οπως και τον νεο αντιτρομοκρατικο.Θαυμαστε την ευλυγισια της: Greece: Athens Olympic Games security raises human rights concerns ©AI Related documents Halya Gowan on AIs concerns in Greece 03/08/2004 Greece: Olympic Games must not lead to a trade off of security for human rights 12/07/2004 Feature, 05/08/2004 The first summer Olympic Games following the attacks on the USA on 11 September 2001 start on 13 August. They are accompanied by unprecedented security measures, which raise questions about transparency, accountability and impunity. Halya Gowan, Deputy Director of the Amnesty International (AI) Europe and Central Asia Programme, explains the organization's concerns about security measures being taken that are the most comprehensive of the games' history, both in terms of policing the events and in the role being played by NATO and NATO countries. "AI recognizes the Greek government's responsibility to protect everyone within its jurisdiction during the games, but is concerned that such measures may violate human rights. For example, not only will Greek security forces be armed, but media reports indicate that foreign security staff may also be armed. How will the Greek government ensure that all such agents operate under Greek authority? What are the guarantees that immunity clauses will not cover violations of human rights perpetrated by foreign personnel, for example under diplomatic immunity clauses? "Amnesty International has, in the past, had concerns about the impunity enjoyed by Greek police and border guards for violations of human rights including excessive use of force. What are the guarantees that the security forces will be accountable for their actions: that security measures will be carried out in a manner that is compatible with international human rights law as well as domestic legislation -- that each violation of human rights will be investigated thoroughly, independently and impartially, and that perpetrators of such violations will be brought to justice?" The Greek government pushed a new piece of legislation on "terrorism" through parliament in advance of the Olympics. It incorporates into Greek law the European Union (EU) measures adopted after the attacks on the United States on 11 September 2001. The legislation envisages longer and harsher sentences for "terrorist acts" compared to those for criminal acts. It also incorporates the EU-wide arrest warrant adopted in 2002. Human rights organizations are concerned that the new law does not fully guarantee a fair trial and does not clearly define "terrorist acts". Measures aimed at increasing the security should be in line with international human standards and ensure that what is listed as a "terrorist offence" is a recognizably criminal offence and must not result in an infringement of, for example, the rights of association, of peaceful assembly and of freedom of expression. In a message to the previous summer Olympic Games in Australia, the UN Secretary General Kofi Annan said that the games were a declaration of humanity against its enemies -- intolerance and war. For Athens 2004, the challenge to live up to the ideals of the past is still open.

από Μπολιβάρ 24/08/2004 7:12 μμ.


Χαίρομαι ιδιαίτερα για τον ενθουσιασμό που επιδεικνύεις απέναντι στα επιτεύγματα της Μπολιβαριακής Αντιιμπεριαλιστικής Επαναστάσης της Βενεζουέλας. Η αλήθεια είναι ότι το Λαϊκό Κίνημα στην χώρα αυτή της Καραϊβικής δείνει μαθήματα Δημοκρατίας στους λαούς ολόκληρου του κόσμου, αλλά και στα κόμματα της Αριστεράς, αποδεικνύοντας ότι Σοσιαλισμός και Δημοκρατία μπορούν να βαδίσουν μαζί. Οντας ταυτόχρονα έτοιμο να υπερασπιστεί με τα όπλα όπου και όποτε χρειάστηκε τα επιτεύγματά του όλα αυτά τα χρόνια, που ο commadante Chaves και οι συμμάχοι του βρίσκονται στην εξουσία. Θα ήθελα όμως ταυτόχρονα να σου επισημάνω το γεγονός, των άψογων σχέσεων που έχουν αναπτύξει όλο αυτό το διάστημα η Βενεζουέλα με την Κούβα και ο Chaves με τον Fidel προσωπικά. Οπως επίσης και τον σπουδαιότατο ρόλο που έχει παίξει η Κούβα για τις σημαντικές επιτυχίες της Μπολιβαριανής Επανάστασης στην αδελφή της χώρα της Καραϊβικής. Πολλοί από αυτούς χαρακτηρίζεις ως «σταλινικούς» πολλές φορές σου έχουν επιτεθεί με διάφορα υβρεολόγια, όταν επιτίθεσαι ενάντια στην σοσιαλιστική Κούβα. Και 'γω ο ίδιος πολλές φορές κυριολεκτικά τα 'χω πάρει στο κρανίο με αυτά που γράφεις ενάντια στο νησί της Επανάστασης. Καταλήγοντας θέλω απλώς να σε ρωτήσω το εξής: Το γεγονός ότι υποστηρίζεις την Βενεζουέλα σε αντίθεση με την Κούβα, είναι ότι στην πρώτη διενεργούνται αστικού Τύπου εκλογές με πολυκομματικό σύστημα; Αν σου έλεγα ότι στην Κούβα, έχουν ξεπεράσει αυτό το πρωτόγονο κατά την γνώμη μου πολίτευμα και βρίσκονται σε μια άλλη ανώτερη μορφή δημοκρατίας, όπου τα κόμματα δεν ελέγχουν τους πολίτες αλλά οι ίδιοι οι πολίτες παίρνουν τις αποφάσεις για το μέλλον τους, πως θα σου φαινόταν; Τέλος θα ήθελα να σου πω κάτι ακόμη: Οπως στην περίπτωση της Βενεζουέλας, δεν φαίνεται να «ιδρώνει το αυτί σου» από την προπαγάνδα του CNN και των λοιπών δυτικών ΜΜΕ, προσπάθησε να αντιμετωπίσεις με τον ίδιο λογικό τρόπο και την περίπτωση της Κούβας. Φιλικά./

τα πραξικοπηματα γινονται. και σιγουρα οι επαναστασεις δεν γινονται με εκλογες. το να ισχυριζεσε οτι οι ανθρωποι μπορουν να ...απελευθερωθουν εχωντας πανω απο το κεφαλι τους εναν ηγετη ο οποιος τους αντιπρωσωπευει στεροντας τους ετσι το δικαιωμα να ασχολουνται οι ιδιοι με τα ζητηματα που τους αφορουν - και οδηγοντας τους, μοιραια, στην ιδιωτευση -ειναι ανεδαφικο. (αν οντως το πιστευει κανεις).

από ... 25/08/2004 12:36 πμ.


Apla 8elw na anarwth8w to ekshs: Dedomenou pws h Kouba einai to nhsi ths epanastashs (den amfiballegi ayto), shmainei aytomata pws exei perasei se kapoio stadio anwterhs dhmokratias opws ayth pou ypainyssetai o filos parapanw? Nonizw oxi...yparxei mia grafeiokratikh domh, pou sxetizetai apolyta me to xamhlo epipedo twn paragwgikwn dynamewn sthn Kouba kai tou foberou apokleismou apo ton ypoloipo kosmo...DEN YPARXEI anwterh dhmokratia se sy8hkes sterhshs, xamhlou epipedou aliergeias kai paidyeshs ths koinwnias..nomizw einai la8os na synthroume my8ous. Asfalws prepei na yperaspizetai kaneis thn koubanezikh epanastash, giati h epistrofh ston kapitalismo asfalws kai den einai lysh..mono h epektash ths epanastashs sth Latinikh Amerikh. H e8nikopoihsh ths oikonomias apo ton Chaves kai h sobarh oikonomikh allhloboh8eia ths Venezuelas me thn Kouba, alla kai tis alles latinoamerikanikes xwres pou san ntomino 8a mpoun sto xoro ths epanastashs....ayth einai h monh realistikh lysh kata th gnwmh mou...asfalws einai aytapath na nomizei kaneis pws ikhse o sosialismos kai o "ananewtikos" kommounismos sth Venezuela, me to synolo sxedon ths oikonomias sta xeria tou kefalaiou...kritikh sthriksh ston Chavez einai aparaithth pisteyw...

από redgreen 25/08/2004 1:22 πμ.


ανώτερη μορφή δημοκρατίας είναι αυτή που ΕΝΣΩΜΑΤΩΝΕΙ τις προηγούμενες μορφές και τις ΥΠΕΡΒΑΙΝΕΙ διαλεκτικά δημιουργώντας και άλλες πιο ουσιαστικές. Σε μία πραγματική κομμουνιστική δημοκρατία ΕΜΒΑΑΘΥΝΣΗ της δημοκρατίς σημαίνει ΚΑΤΑΡΓΗΣΗ ΤΗΣ ΙΔΙΩΤΙΚΗΣ ΙΔΙΟΚΤΗΣΙΑΣ ΣΤΑ ΜΕΣΑ ΠΑΡΑΓΩΓΗΣ (και μόνο σε αυτά)και ΜΕΤΑΒΙΑΒΒΣΗ ΤΗΣ ΣΤΟΝ ΙΔΙΟ ΤΟ ΛΑΟ (π.χ. Εργατική Αυτοδιαχείριση). Στην Κούβα οι αποφάσεις ΔΕΝ ΠΑΙΡΝΟΝΤΑΙ ΑΠΟ ΤΟ ΛΑΟ (ούτε στα εργοστάσια ούτε στα χωράφια) αλλά από το Κ.Κ. της Κούβας, που χαράσσει ασφυκτικά μία πολιτική και είναι και ανεξέλεγκτο. Πέφτει μαστίγιο σε όποιον εργάτη δεν υπακούσει. Είναι πολύ σημαντικές οι πολυκομματικές εκλογές. Για παράδειγμα, αν ο λαός θέλει καπιταλισμό (που εγώ τον αντιμάχομαι) πρέπει να έχει τη δυνατότητα να ψηφίσει δεξιά κόμματα. Αν δεν την έχει, τότε υπάρχει ανεπίτρεπτο καπέλωμα, έστω κι αν αυτό γίνεται "για το καλό του λαού" και για να μην επιστρέψει ο καπιταλισμός. Δημοκρατία είνα ινα υπάρχει η ΘΕΣΜΙΚΗ ΔΥΝΑΤΟΤΗΤΑ να αλλάξει ο λαός πορεία, αν το επιθυμεί. Πράγματι, ο Τσάβες λόγω της απομόνωσης που προσπαθούν να του επιβάλουν οι ΗΠΑ έκανε το λάθος να συνάψει στενές σχέσεις με τον Κάστρο. Δεν σημαίνει όμως ότι θα πρέπει να συμφωνούμε σε όλα όσα κάνει ο Τσάβες (πρώτα από όλα εγώ ως πασιφιστής δεν μπορώ να επικροτήσω τη στρατιωτική του καριέρα). Σε γενικές γραμμμές πιστεύω ότι κάθε συνεπής επαναστάτης που παλεύει για Ειρηνική αλλά ΑΣΥΜΒΙΒΑΣΤΗ Πορεία προς ένα Δημοκρατικό Ανανεωτικό Κομμουνισμό θα πρέεπι να βροντωφωνάζει "ΖΗΤΩ Ο ΤΣΑΒΕΣ" και ταυτόχρονα "ΚΑΤΩ Ο ΚΑΣΤΡΟ".

από ... 25/08/2004 2:23 πμ.


Γράφει ο redgreen "ανώτερη μορφή δημοκρατίας είναι αυτή που ΕΝΣΩΜΑΤΩΝΕΙ τις προηγούμενες μορφές και τις ΥΠΕΡΒΑΙΝΕΙ διαλεκτικά δημιουργώντας και άλλες πιο ουσιαστικές. Σε μία πραγματική κομμουνιστική δημοκρατία ΕΜΒΑΑΘΥΝΣΗ της δημοκρατίς σημαίνει ΚΑΤΑΡΓΗΣΗ ΤΗΣ ΙΔΙΩΤΙΚΗΣ ΙΔΙΟΚΤΗΣΙΑΣ ΣΤΑ ΜΕΣΑ ΠΑΡΑΓΩΓΗΣ (και μόνο σε αυτά)και ΜΕΤΑΒΙΑΒΒΣΗ ΤΗΣ ΣΤΟΝ ΙΔΙΟ ΤΟ ΛΑΟ (π.χ. Εργατική Αυτοδιαχείριση). " Πολύ σωστός ! Συμφωνούμε απόλυτα μέχρι εδώ. 100%!!! Δε σκου κάνω πλάκα redgreen. Πραγματικά συμφωνώ μαζί σου. "Στην Κούβα οι αποφάσεις ΔΕΝ ΠΑΙΡΝΟΝΤΑΙ ΑΠΟ ΤΟ ΛΑΟ (ούτε στα εργοστάσια ούτε στα χωράφια) αλλά από το Κ.Κ. της Κούβας, που χαράσσει ασφυκτικά μία πολιτική και είναι και ανεξέλεγκτο. Πέφτει μαστίγιο σε όποιον εργάτη δεν υπακούσει. " ΜουαααααΧαχαχαχα. Στην έφεραν redgreen. Στην Κούβα το Κ.Κ. Κούβας έχει πλέον πολύ μικρό προσοστό από τους ανθρώπους που εκλέγονται δημοκρατικά στα εργοστάσια και τα χωράφια. Υπάρχει πραγματική εργατική αυτοδιαχείρηση και η εξουσία είναι στον ίδιο το λαό. Ο Κάστρο δεν έχει στην πραγματικότητα ΚΑΜΙΑ εξουσία στην ουσία αποτελεί σύμβολο! "Είναι πολύ σημαντικές οι πολυκομματικές εκλογές. Για παράδειγμα, αν ο λαός θέλει καπιταλισμό (που εγώ τον αντιμάχομαι) πρέπει να έχει τη δυνατότητα να ψηφίσει δεξιά κόμματα." Εδώ θα διαφωνήσω μαζί σου redgreen. Εργατική εξουσία δε σημαίνει κόμματα! Εγατική εξουσία σημείανει να μπορέι ο καθένας να συμμετέχει στη διοίκηση και να εκέγεται ΧΩΡΙΣ να ανήκει σε ΚΑΝΕΝΑ κόμμα , χωρίς να υποστηρίζει κανένα κόμμα και χωρίς να ξοδέψει δεκάρα, ενώ παράλληλα να ελέγχεται από τους εργάτες που τον εξέλεξαν και να είναι ΑΝΑΚΛΗΤΟΣ. Η εξουσία εξάλλου δεν είναι στους εκπροσώπους! Οι εκπρόσωποι δεν έχουν καμιά απολύτως εξουσία απλά κάνουν διαχείρηση , αλλά στο λαό! Έτσι ακριβώς όπως συμβαίνει στην Κούβα. "Για παράδειγμα, αν ο λαός θέλει καπιταλισμό (που εγώ τον αντιμάχομαι) πρέπει να έχει τη δυνατότητα να ψηφίσει δεξιά κόμματα" Ναι βέβαια εδώ έχεις δίκιο. Επίσης αν θέλει ο λαός π.χ. να είναι άνεργοι το 15% του πλληθυσμού πρέπει να έχει το δικαίωμα να ψηφίσει κόμματα με αυτή τη θέση. Αν επίσης ο λαός πιστεύει ότι πρέπει να δολοφονούνται χιλιάδες άνθρωποι κάθε χρόνο από την πείνα και τις αρρώστιες ή τις βομβες του ΝΑΤΟ πρέπει πάλι να έχει το δικαίωμα να ψηδφίσει αυτά τα κόμματα. Επίσης μπορεί κάποιος εδώ στην Ελλάδα να θέλει να επιστρέψουμε στην Οθωμανική Αυτοκρατορία. Πρέπει να έχει το δικαίωμα να ψηφίσει τέτοιοα κόμματα. Κάποιος άλλος μπορέι να θέλει να γυρίσουμε στο μοντέλο της δουλοκτητική κοινωνίας με την π΄'ολη-κράτος. Και αυτός έχει το ίδιο δικαίωμα. Άλλος μπορέι να θέλει να γυρίσουμε στην πρωτόγονη κοινωνία του τροφοσυλέκτη. Πρέπει να υπάρχουν όλα τα κόμματα αυτά. Κάθε 4 χρόνια θα γίνονται ΕΚΛΟΓΕΣ Κάποια στιγμή κερδίζει το κόμμα που θέλει την κοινωνία του τροφοσυλέκτη. Ε τότε μέσα σε μια μέρα όλος ο κ΄σομος μετασχηματίζεται και γινόμαστε όλοι τροφοσυλλέκτες, μέχρι βέβαια την επόμενη τετραετία που μέσα σε μια μέρα μεταβαίνουμε (κοινοβουλευτικά) πάντα στην Οθωμανική αυτοκρατιορία!!! Έτσι είναι η ανθρωπότητα. Τσουπ. Γίνονται εκλογές και πηδάμε από τη μια φάση ανάπτυξης της κοινωνίας σε μιά άλλη όποια γουστάρουμε. Τη Δευτέρα δεν υπάρχει ανεργία πόλεμος φτώχεια και η εξουσία είναι στο λαό. Δεν υπάρχει ατομική ιδιοκτησία στις επιχειρήσεις .Την Τρίτη (μέσα σε μια μέρα) ξαναγίνεται καπιταλισμός ή γιατί όχι φεουδαρχία. Εμφανίζονται από το πουθενα οι κοινωνικές τάξεις των ευγενών των δουλοπάροικων και όλη η γη γκρεμίζεται και μετατρέπεται σε ΑΓΡΟΥΣ!!! Φυσικά ξαναχρησιμοποιύνται τα εναπομείναντα κάστρα κ.λ.π. Και όλα αυτά μέσα σε μια μέρα με μια απλή ψήφο του λαού! Τρελή φάση. Ρε redgreen σκέψου το σε παρακαλώ μια φορά ήρεμα. Μήπως απλά σε κοροιδέψανε τα αφεντικά (ή πιο απλά στη φέρανε;) Γιατί ρε φίλε πρέπει ντε και καλά να έχουμε κόμματα και να γίνονται τέτοιου είδους εκλογές (στην ουσία κόντρες ανάμεσα σε ομίλους επιχειρήσεων); Δεν μπορέι να υπάρχουν πιο αμεσοδημοκρατικές δομές διοίκησης που να συμμετέχουνε όλοι άσχετα με το αν είναι πολιτικοί ή ΚΑΘΑΡΙΣΤΡΙΕΣ (όπως στην Κούβα, την Σοβιετική ένωση την περίοδο του ΣΤΑΛΙΝ κ.λ.π);

από redgreen 25/08/2004 3:56 πμ.


έχεις πολύ πλάκα. Με έκανες και γέλασα. Ωστε ο Κάστρο δεν έχει... καμία εξουσία ? Τίποτε δεν γίνεται χωρίς την εντολή του. Οσο για τα κόμματα και τη δημοκρατία, το ένα δεν αναιρεί το άλλο. Για τα γενικής φύσης ζητήματα που είναι πολύ περίπλοκα και δεν λύνονται μέ ένα ΝΑΙ και με ένα ΟΧΙ , θα υπάρχουν τα κόμματα, ενώ για ζητήματα μικρότερης γεωγραφικής κλίμακας (π.χ. ΕΚΤΕΤΑΜΕΝΗ ΕΡΓΟΣΤΑΣΙΑΚΗ ΑΥΤΟΔΙΟΙΚΗΣΗ ΚΑΙ ΑΥΤΟΔΙΑΧΕΙΡΙΣΗ) ή για ζητήματα που απαντώνται μονολεκτικά θα εφαρμόζεται η άμεση δημοκρατία. Και όσο και αν το γελοιοποείς το θέμα, ΔΕΝ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΔΗΜΟΚΡΑΤΙΚΟ να απαγορεύεις στο λαό να αποφασίσει παλινόρθωση του όντως μισητού καπιταλισμού. Φυσικά, οι... ρυθμοί των μεταβολών δεν θα είναι αυτοί που λες, αλλά οι πορείες των ανθρώπινων κοινωνιών δεν είναι ευθύγραμμες. Δεν υπάρχει τέλος της ιστορίας ούτε προς τη μία κατεύθυνση (την καπιταλιστική) ούτε προς την άλλη (τη σοσιαλιστική).Υπάρχει συνεχής αγώνας και συνεχής πάλη. Διαλεκτική. Αλλά τι λέμε τώρα ? Εσύ έχεις ως μοντέλο το Στάλιν, δηλαδή ΔΗΜΟΚΡΑΤΙΑ ΜΕ ΗΛΕΚΤΡΟΦΟΡΑ ΣΥΡΜΑΤΟΠΛΕΓΜΑΤΑ. Ε, ρε γλέντια !!

από Angelos 25/08/2004 11:46 πμ.


1)Mporei sto staliniko ths pareas na einai asteio na exeis dikaiwma na pshfiseis gia o,ti 8eleis, einai akribws h diapaidagwghsh tou den tou epitrepei na katanohsei ti shmainei DHMOKRATIA...ma8hmata diapaidagwghshs gia to ti exei dikaiwmata exei to atomo se mia dhmokratia na parei apo thn arxaia A8hna...gia na mh makrygorw, kai gia na to katalabei, se mia dhmoratikh ESSD oi symetexontes stis "plhreis" dhmokratikes diadikasies 8a eixan dikaiwma oxi mono na apofasisoun gia kapitalismo h' sossialismo, alla kai gia ton "ostrakismo" tou Stalin 2)Nai, mporeis na pas apo ena metabatiko ergatiko kratos, opws einai Kouba ston kapitalismo polu eukola..mhn akous ti sou lene sto Komma...h metabolh apo to ena koinwniko systhma se ena allo einai dynath, estw ki an einai opis8odromhsh..ksereis giati? giati ola exoun na kanoun ME TO EPIPEDO TWN PARAGWGIKWN DYNAMEWN...sthn Kouba einai polu xamhles kai se sygklonistika xamhlotero epiepdo apo thn anaptygmenh an8rwpothta...ayto to epipedo paragwgkwn dynamewn krinei to SYNOLIKO perasma ths an8rwpothtas se ena anwtero stadio...h Kouba de mporei na xtisei monh ths kanena sosialismo...8a eprepe mea apo tosa xronia na katalabeis pws toso o Lenin, oso kai o Trotsky pou to eixan ekshghsei polu ka8ara polla xronia prin th rwssikh epanastash, dikaw8hkan...h Rwssia pote den eftase tis HPA kai to pagkosmio emporio kai h texnologia pote den htan katwrerh ths KOMEKON. 3)Fle Redgreen, to akisologeis ton Chavez me pasifistika krithria einai teleiws la8os...o pasifismos kata th gnwmh mou einai teleiws astoxos...diabase an 8es ta kataplhktika keimena tou Lenin pou nomizw einai sygkentrwmena se ena biblio pou legetai "MARXISMOS KAI POLEMOS"...sxetika me th 8esh twn marxistwn ston A' Pagkosmio Polemo kai thn foberh anti8esh tous me tous pasifistes ths Souhdias pou milousan gia afoplismo genika kai aorista, th stigmh pou to proletariato sprwxnotan pros to 8anato... 4)Asfalws, se ola ayta ta 8emaa, na mhn epistrepsoume sto STALIN...giati einai tragiko...akou amesh dhmokratia...amesh dhmokratia na symfwnhsete mazi mou...amesh dhmokratia, ftanei na mh zthsete apo mena, ton arxonta sas kati paralogo...amesh dhmokratia alla na grafete panta ymous gia ta pentaxrona sxedia pou egw sxediasa, gia tis 8anatikes katadikes pou egw ypegrapsa gia na sas yperaspistw, gia tis mystikes symfwnies pou egw ekana me tis imperialistikes dynameis gia yperaspistw thn kasta mou, prodidontas thn ergatikh taksh olou tou kosmou...klp klp...panta se ry8mo SOSIALISTIKOU REALISMOU

από redgreen 25/08/2004 4:39 μμ.


υπάρχουν πολλών ειδών πασιφισμοί. Εγώ προκρίνω έναν Αριστερό Πασιφισμό άρρηκτα συνδεδεμένο με μία ήπια αλλά ΑΣΥΜΒΙΒΑΣΤΗ επαναστατική διαδικασία (και με στόχο πάντα έναν ΑΝΑΝΕΩΤΙΚΟ ΡΙΖΟΣΠΑΣΤΙΚΟ ΚΟΜΜΟΥΝΙΣΜΟ με κατάργηση της ιδιωτικής ιδιοκτησίας στα μέσα παραγωγής και μόνο σε αυτά, και πλήρη σεβασμό ατομικών ελευθεριών ακόμη και του εχθρού), η οποία θα πρέπει να έχει δημοκρατική νομιμοποίηση και λαϊκή αποδοχή σε όλες της τις φάσεις. Είναι πολύ δυναμικό πράγμα η ΜΗ ΒΙΑ. Δεν σημαίνει αδράνεια και παθητικότητα. Οταν έγραφε αυτά που λες ο Λένιν, δεν είχε καν ξεπηδήσει η επιτυχημένη θεωρία και πράξη διαφόρων κινημάτων σαν του Μάρτιν Λούθερ Κινγκ και του Γκάντι. Ολα αυτά πρέπει να μας εμπνέουν και να μην τα απορρίπτουμε.

από Μπολιβάρ 25/08/2004 5:05 μμ.


Προσπαθώντας να ξεπεράσω όλους εκείνους προσπαθούν να γελοιοποιήσουν την κουβέντα, και να «στην πουν» με κάποιο εξυπνακίστικο σχόλιο, θα σου πω τα εξής: Ανήκω σε έναν πολιτικό χώρο που κατά την γνώμη σου είναι βαθύτατα αντιδημοκρατικός (ναι, γαι το "Σταλινικό ΚΚΕ" μιλάω), όμως βαθιά μου πεποίθηση είναι ότι ο Σοσιαλισμός και η Δημοκρατία είναι δύο αλληλένδετες έννοιες. Οπως βαθιά μου πεποίθηση είναι ότι η Δικτατορία του Προλεταριάτου είναι χίλιες φορές ανώτερη μορφή Δημοκρατίας από μία πολυκομματική αστική δικτατορία. Σε αυτό το σημείο βέβαια θα πρέπει να προσθέσω ότι ο πολυκομματισμός είναι ξεπερασμένο πολιτικό σύστημα, αφού πλέον το Κεφάλαιο, σε παγκόσμιο επίπεδο, προωθεί το Δικομματικό Σύστημα με «ελεύθερες εκλογές» του 1/3 των κοινωνιών. Η περίπτωση της Κούβας, φίλε Redgreen, είναι πολύ διαφορετική από αυτήν την Βενεζουέλας, αφού τις χωρίζουν αρκετές δεκαετίες. Μην ξεχνάς ότι στην Κούβα, σε συνθήκες σκληρής αντικομμουνιστικής δικτατορίας Μπατίστα, το λαϊκό κίνημα επέλεξε την ένοπλη σύγκρουση με την εκεί Αστική Τάξη, αφού ήταν και ο μοναδικός τρόπος (συνθήκες πλήρους παρανομίας) να ρίξει την ξενόδουλη χούντα και να εγκαθιδρύσει ένα άλλο φιλολαϊκό καθεστώς. Από τότε μέχρι σήμερα, έχουν μεσολαβήσει πολλά χρόνια και πολλά γεγονότα, όμως θεωρώ ότι σε συνθήκες πλήρους οικονομικής απομόνωσης, το νησί της Επανάστασης «κρατάει γερά» και μάλιστα έχει προωθήσει στην πράξη δημοκρατικούς θεσμούς, που για μας τους Δυτικούς μόνο στα όνειρά μας μπορούν να εμφανιστούν. Πιστεύω ακόμη ότι αν τα πράγματα εκεί, είναι έτσι όπως τα παρουσιάζει η προπαγάνδα της Δύσης, δεν θα μπορούσε να είχε αντέξει ούτε μερικούς μήνες το σημερινό καθεστώς αμέσως μετά την ανατροπή (κατά την γνώμη μου, βάλε κατάρρευση αν θες) των σοσιαλιστικών καθεστώτων στην Ανατολική Ευρώπη, και δή της ΕΣΣΔ. Επίσης ένα βασικό και λογικότατο ερώτημα που τίθεται είναι το εξής: Ας πούμε ότι ο Φιντέλ είναι τόσο ισχυρός και έχει εγκαθιδρύσει ένα τόσο ισχυρό αστυνομικό καθεστώς όπως το παρουσιάζουν. Τότε γιατί οι ΗΠΑ όλα αυτά τα χρόνια δεν έχουν επέμβει στρατιωτικά να... απελευθερώσουν τον Κουβανικό λαό, όπως έκαναν στην περίπτωση του Ιράκ, του Αφγανιστάν, ή όπου αλλού στον κόσμο; Τόσο πολύ φοβούνται τον στρατό της Κούβας, με τις μερικές δεκάδες ξεπερασμένης τεχνολογίας του '70 και του '80 αεροσκάφη Mig και τεθωρακισμένα T-80; Και κάτι ακόμα: Αν πάλι ίσχυαν όσα λέγονται από το CNN για την Κούβα, για τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα, για την «αντιπολίτευση» κλπ, κλπ, τότε πως γίνεται και αφήνει ο Φιντέλ, ακόμα και να υπάρχουν αυτές οι οργανώνεις; Γνωρίζεις ότι η Ενωση Ανθρωπίνων Δικαιωμάτων στην Αβάνα, είναι ΝΟΜΙΜΗ οργάνωση, η οποία μπορεί στα πλαίσια του Συντάγματος, να λειτουργεί ελεύθερα στην Κουβανική επικράτεια; Εχεις σκεφτεί ποτέ ότι μια αντίστοιχη οργάνωση στις ΗΠΑ ή ακόμα και στην Ελλάδα, θα την είχε φάει το μαύρο το σκοτάδι ευθής εξαρχής; Μόνο όταν βρέθηκαν στην κατοχή δεκάδων μελών αυτής της οργάνωσης, ΤΟΝΟΙ ΕΚΡΗΚΤΙΚΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΟΠΛΩΝ, ΤΑ ΟΠΟΙΑ ΑΠΟΔΕΔΕΙΓΜΕΝΑ είχαν προμηθευτεί από την ΜΑΦΙΑ των Κουβανών εμιγκρέδων του Μαϊάμι (ναι, των χρηματοδοτών του Μπους) μέσω της πρεσβείας των ΗΠΑ στην Αβάνα, οδηγήθηκαν έναντι του Λαϊκού Δικαστηρίου και ΚΑΤΑΔΙΚΑΣΤΗΚΑΝ. Για μένα, αυτή η ενέργεια ήταν υπόδειγμα ΕΠΑΝΑΣΤΑΤΙΚΗΣ ΕΠΑΓΡΥΠΝΗΣΗΣ του Κουβανικού λαού και της κυβέρνησής του. Τέλος, για να μην κουράζω και πολύ, θέλω να προσθέσω και τούτο: Αν λέγαμε «ΚΑΤΩ Ο ΚΑΣΤΡΟ» και είχε συμβεί κάτι τέτοιο, τότε σίγουρα δεν θα μπορούσαμε να πούμε «ΖΗΤΩ Ο ΤΣΑΒΕΣ» πολύ απλά γιατί δεν θα υπήρχε Τσάβες. Αν καταφέρεις ποτέ (και σου το εύχομαι) να ταξιδέψεις στην Λατινή Αμερική, θα διαπιστώσεις την ΒΑΘΙΑ ΑΓΑΠΗ και ΕΥΓΝΩΜΟΣΥΝΗ που θρέφουν οι απόκληροι αυτής την ηπείρου, για την Κούβα, τον Τσε και φυσικά το Φιντέλ. Υ.Γ. Σου προτείνω να διαβάσεις τα πρακτικά της περιβόητης δίκης που προανέφερα, κυκλοφορούν από τις εκδόσεις Σύγχρονη Εποχή, σε απευθείας μετάφραση από τα Κουβανικά έγγραφα. Επίσης να δεις το ντοκυμαντέρ του Ο. Στόουν, «Κομμαντάντε». Φυσικά υπάρχουν και άλλα, εκατοντάδες βιβλία, ταινείες και ντοκυμαντέρ, site στο ιντερνετ, που μπορεί κάποιος να ενημερωθεί ΑΝΤΙΚΕΙΜΕΝΙΚΑ για την Κούβα και το πολιτικό της σύστημα. Αυτά και πάντα φιλικά.

από angelos 25/08/2004 10:13 μμ.


1)8a symfwnhsw gia ta sxetika me thn Kouba se ena ba8mo kai 8a syhgorhsw sthn yperaspish ths koubanezikhs epanastashs...alla 8eleoun prosoxh merika shmeia...pantws o polukommatismos den einai anti8eth ennoia me th diktatoria tou proletariatou, dedomenou oti ayth mporei na onomastei kat'efymysmon kai "ergatikh dhmokratia"...pou shmainei th dhmokratikh organwsh ekeinh ths ergatkhs takshs pou 8a katapiezei ta symferonta ths prwhn katapiezousas takshs...en mporei na mhn yparxoun anti8etes apopseis se ayto to plaisio kai polu perissotero h anagkh omades an8rwpwn na epi8ymoun na organwnontai syllogika. H dhmiourgia enos politikou systhmatos einai eksairetika poluploko zhthma kai einai afeles na pisteyei kaneis pws me thn katakthsh ths eksousias apo thn ergatikh taksh, aytomata 8a papsei h anagkh syllogikhs organwshs diaforwn koinwnikwn omadwn...dedomenou pws oi taksikoi antagwnismoi anamenetai na diarkesoun POLU kairo meta apo mia epityxhmenh sosialistikh epanastash..elpizw na katalabaineis ti 8elw na pw file apo to KKE, to opoio sebomai, alla omologw pws logika skeptomenos kai oso mporw episthmonika kai dialektika, de mporw na akolou8hsw..giati yparxoun sobara logika kena...h idea tou monokommatikou kratous eksallou eksakribwmena den einai idea pou phgazei apo th marxistikh skepsh sxetika me th diktatoria tou proletariatou, all prokyptei apo mia pragmatikh katastash: mia grafeiokratia anelyssetai sthn eksousia pou xreiazetai na askhsei mia ekousia apolytarxikh gia na kalypsei ta symferonta ths. Xrhsimopoiei loipon marxistikh orologia kai karaskeyazei ena ideologhma pou dikaiologei thn hdh yfistamenh pragmatikothta..tou onokommatismou kai tou tromokratikou kratous..dh8en sto onoma tou proletariatou... 2)Sxetika me ton pasifismo file redgreen, de 8a symfwnhsw mazi sou...prwta prwta, xwris na eimai gnwsths se ba8os ths ideologias tou King h' tou Ghandi, epetrepse mou na exw tis amfibolies mou gia thn epityxia tous...dedomenou pws stis HPA exoume akoma kapitalismo kai den yparxei kammia sobarh parakata8hkh politikh kai organwtikh...o amerianikos imperialismos oudepote den kontraristhke me to kinhma twn mayrwn polu sta sobara kai arkouse na dolofonhsei ton ekproswpo tou gia na afanisei th fwnh tou..eksallou, episteyontas ba8ia sthn taksikh fysh twn koinwnikwn fainomenwn, aytos o pasifismos den prosferei kati ay8entika enallaktiko, alla mallon nefelwdh oramata..oso gia ton Ghandi, oute gia thn periptwsh tou de gnwrizw an teika petyxe kati, an analgistoume ti einai h India kai ti politika oramata telika genniountai apo thn politikh-pneymatikh ideologia ths mh bias..einai wraia 8ewrhtika, enoxlhtikh gia tis kyriarxes takseis kta diasthmata, alla oxi enallaktikh, oxi energhtika anatreptikh. Ase pou apo syzhthseis pou eixa me an8rwpous apo thn eyryterh perioxh mallon arnhtikh apopsh eixan..ka8ws mallon to astro tou mono stous Amerikanikous kinhmatografous an8ise kai oxi stis kardies twn katapiesmenwn. O sebasmos sthn astikh dhmokratia se katastaseis ba8ia epanastatikes pou apaitoun anatroph, mporei na EINAI TRAGIKH GIA THN KATALHKSH THS IDIAS THS EPANASTASHS...polla ta paradeigmata...h Xilh einai to xarakthristikotero. Na mhn ta bazoume me ton imperialismo pou katepnhkse thn epanastash, giati aytos einai o istorikos tou rolos..antepastatikos..o epanastaths politikos omws xrewnetai thn politikh oligwria..kai thn oneiropolhsh mias eirhnikhs, dynamikhs symmetoxhs twn mazwn me diarkeia..ayto einai outopia Syggnwmh gia thn polylogia

από redgreen 26/08/2004 2:37 πμ.


φαίνεσαι καλοπροαίρετος. Είχα αρχίσει να απελπίζομαι, γιαί σίχα καταλήξει στο συμπέρασμα ότι ο χώρος σας αποτελείται από ανθρώπους που απλώς βρίζουν και δεν μπορούν να συυζητήσουν μόλις διαβάσουν κάτι που είναι "έξω από τα νερά τους". Εχω να σου πω τα εξής 1) Το Κ.Κ. της Κούβας τη δεκαετία του 1940 ΣΤΗΡΙΖΕ ΑΝΑΦΑΝΔΟΝ το καθεστώς Μπατίστα (σε παραπέμπω στο εξαίρετο βιβλίο του αντιεξουσιαστή Νίκου Παπαδόπουλου "Η γένεση του κουβανέζικου ολοκληρωτισμού" (εκδόσεις Αρδην). Εκεί θα δεις και πώς εξοντώθηκαν από το νέο καθεστώς αρκετοί συν-επαναστάτες και σύντροφοι του Κάστρο που συμμετείχαν στην ανατροπή του Μπατίστα. Οι εκκαθαρίσεις ήταν απίστευτης έκτασης. 2) Αν ζούσε ο Τσε, θα ήταν όλα διαφορετικά, γιατί ενώ αρχικά είχε και αυτός γοητευτεί από το γραφειοκρατικό μοντέλο του Κρατικισμού είναι βέβαιο ότι το ΗΘΟΣ του και η ΕΠΑΝΑΣΤΑΤΙΚΟΤΗΤΑ του θα τον έφερναν σε σύγκρουση με τον αυταρχικό Φιντέλ. 3) Στις ΗΠΑ λειτουργεί η οργάνωση "American Civil Liberties Union" (A.C.L.U) με εκατοντάδες χιλιάδες μέλη, που βρίζει πατόκορφα κάθε εξουσία που παραβιάζει Δικαιώματα και Ελευθερίες, και ειδικά σήμερα τον Μπους (με τόσο σκληρά λόγια που εδώ οι αντίστοιχες δικές μας οργανώσεις δεν θα διανοούνταν να αρθρώσουν ενάντια στον εκάστοτε πρωθυπουργό, κάνει αγωγές στο κράτος για τους τρομονόμους, πετυχαίνει καλές δικαστικές αποφάσεις, κλπ). Τίποτε από αυτά δεν μπορούνε να συμβούν στην Κούβα, γιατί θα "δουλέψουν" αμέσως τα μπουντρούμια. 4) Επιτρέπεται άραγε στην κεντρική πλατεία της Αβάνας να πας με ένα τεράστιο πανώ και να φωνάξεις "Κάτω ο Κάστρο" ?? Οχι βέβαια. Θα βρεθείς αμέσως να σκαλίζεις ζαχαρότευτλα για "αναμόρφωση". 5)Είδα την ταινία του Στόουν. Δυστυχώς, παρά την καλή σκηνοθεσία , το περιεχόμενο ήταν αηδιαστικό, γιατί δεν τόλμησε να κοντράρει το δικτάτορα με ΣΚΛΗΡΕΣ ΕΡΩΤΗΣΕΙΣ για την ύπαρξη ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΩΝ ΚΡΑΤΟΥΜΕΝΩΝ. Μου φάνηκε σικέ. Απλώς ο Στόουν ήθελε μία αποκλειστική συνέντευξη με ένα σημαντικό πρόσωπο και έβαλε νερό στο κρασί του, καθώς θα του ζητήθηκε από κουβανικής πλευράς να είναι ήπιος και να μην ξεπερνάει τα όρια. Ας κρατήσουμε ως πρότυπα τους ΟΡΤΕΓΚΑ, ΤΣΑΒΕΣ και ΑΛΛΙΕΝΤΕ από Λατινική Αμερική. Δεν μας χρειάζεται ο Κάστρο.

από Angelos 26/08/2004 1:36 μμ.


Koita, mou aresei polu h syzhthsh kai polu perissotero otan ginetai se epipedo logikwn epixeirhmatwn kai xairomai na to kanoume ayto mesw internet, estw kai an syxna oi syn8hkes sto site den an8oun...alla to mono pou yparxei dia8esimo ap' oso gnwrizw. An 8eleis na koubentiasoume, mporoume na antalaksoume email. Na ksekinhsw apo to ekshs. Den einai aparaithto na exoume protypa kapoious hgetes. Mporei na tous exoun protypa oi laoi tous, twn opoiwn tis idiaiteres syn8hkes endexomenws na ekfrazoun. Egw prospa8w na dw me politika krithria kai apo apostash - pou isws prosdidei antikeimenikothta sth skepsh mou, isws oxi - mia yparxouse katastash. Den amfisnhthsa ton oloklhrwtiko xarakthra tou ka8wstwtos pou ektise o Kastro sthn Kouba. Gnwrizw gia th synergasia tou KK me tis progoumenes eksousies kai pws ta dikaiwmata einai periorismena. Omws de mporoume na antimetwpizoume ena koinwniko fainomeno me "arrhktes arxes"...einai katafwrh parabiash twn nomwn ths dialektikhs! Ti 8a pei an8rwpina dikaiwmata an den ta doume sto sxetiko plasio ths katastashs. H koubanezikh epanastash exei ypshlh bash yposthrikshs, alla de 8a exei gia polu, giati me aythn o synektikos krikos einai o Kastro kai OXI OI YPSHLES SYN8HKES DIABIWSHS pou ayth 8a eksasfalize 8ewrhtika. To ka8estws ths Koubas den einai dhmokratiko kai den einai sosialismos...den amfiballw gia tis ekka8ariseis. Kserw omws pws h pi8anh ptwsh tou 8a shmanei monadikhs ektashs htta gia thn ergatikh taksh ths Latinikhs Amerikhs. O Chavez de synergazetai tyxaia me ton Castro!...gia tis laikes mazes ths Venezuelas h Kouba einai symbolo!..la8os na les katw h Kouba..oso hli8io einai ayto pou lene oi Stalinikoi "Zhtw h sosialistikh Kouba"..giati oute sta oneira tous kati tetoio...odhgoun se plhrh apoprosanatolismo. Mporeis omws na 8ewrhseis ton Chavez protypo? Mporeis na 8ewrhseis to montelo dioikhshs tou protypo gia mia sta8erh dhmokratikh koinwnia pou 8a anaptyssetai diarkws? Ma blepeis pws ena bhma paei na kanei kai h antipoliteysh pali kati skarfizetai..nomimo h' paranomo! Ti kanei niaou niaou sta keramidia? Nomizw moirizei anagkh gia e8nikopoihsh twn meswn paragwghs, pou symfwneis apo o,ti katalaba. Ayto 8a odhghsei sigoura se epembash twn HPA...eimaste se metabatikh katastash loipon kai oxi se ena montelo ananewtikou kommounismou...h' 8a doume mia dieyrymenh epanastash sth Latinikh Amerikh, pou de mporei para na einai sosialistikh kai dhmokratikh asfalws, afou 8a emplekei thn eyrytath symmetoxh twn laikwn mazwn, h' 8a katarreysei me mia akoma me8odeysh twn HPA kai ths antipoliteyshs h' o Chavez siga siga kai me tropo 8a ta brei me tous Amerikanous (pou ypo8eseis de mporw na kanw). Pantws shmera diabasa pws 8a paei stis HPA gia na synanthsei ton Bush...de kserw se poio synnefo pataei, alla elpizw na mh tou pei "kyrie Bush, de kserw poio einai to problhma sou mazi mou, alla egw eimai entaksei...se parakalw mh me enoxleis allo..petrelaio exei gia olous..prokeitai peri parekshghsews." O Aliente pistos sto astiko kratos dhlwne empistosynh stous dhmokratikous strathgous...kai dh ston Pinoset...h praksh edeikse pws ekane la8os. Kai omws oi mazes tou zhtousane na tous oplisei, oi idioi oi synergates tous tonizan ayth thn anagkh...Eksairetiko gia to 8ema to ntokymanter gia th Xilh tou Kouloglou... Oso gia tis organwseis sthn Amerikh kai opoudhpote, tapeinh mou gnwmh einai pws oso 8arallea ki an einai ayta pou leei kaneis, prepei na aposkopei se ena eyrytero akroathrio kai na dia8etei politiko programma...to na ta les de apodeiknyei kammia anatreptikh politikh praktikh. Se sxesh me ton antieksousiasmo, egw synhgorw me thn anazhthsh tou gnhsiou epanastatikou marxismou pou mporei na sydyasei thn episthmonikh antilhsh me tis epanastatikes paradoseis ths an8rwpothtas. Xairetw Angelos

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