Lets smash the terrorism of states and bosses

A year has passed since the last attack of the Organization of Revolutionary Self-defense against riot cops outside the PASOK offices (6 November 2017). We publish a translation of the responsibility claim for this and the previous attack at the same place (10 January 2017). / Έχει περάσει ένας χρόνος από την τελευταία επίθεση της Οργάνωσης Επαναστατικής Αυτοάμυνας, εναντίον μπάτσων των ΜΑΤ έξω από τα γραφεία του ΠΑΣΟΚ (6 Νοέμβρη 2017). Δημοσιεύουμε μια μετάφραση της ανάληψης ευθύνης γι’ αυτήν και την προηγούμενη επίθεση στο ίδιο σημείο (10 Γενάρη 2017).

 Για να τσακίσουμε τη τρομοκρατία κράτους και αφεντικών.

Έχει περάσει ένας χρόνος από την τελευταία επίθεση της Οργάνωσης Επαναστατικής Αυτοάμυνας, εναντίον μπάτσων των ΜΑΤ έξω από τα γραφεία του ΠΑΣΟΚ (6 Νοέμβρη 2017). Δημοσιεύουμε μια μετάφραση της ανάληψης ευθύνης γι’ αυτήν και την προηγούμενη επίθεση στο ίδιο σημείο (10 Γενάρη 2017). Το κείμενο της οργάνωση είναι μια ανάλυση πολιτικής και στρατηγικής, ντοκουμέντο για την συνεχή εμπειρία της επαναστατικής ταξικής πάλης. Δημοσιεύτηκε στα ελληνικά στο athens indymedia δέκα μέρες μετά την τελευταία ενέργεια. Το πρώτο αναλυτικό κείμενο της οργάνωσης, «Έμπρακτη τοποθέτηση της Οργάνωσης Επαναστατικής Αυτοάμυνας για ένα νέο διεθνές επαναστατικό κίνημα», είχε δημοσιευτεί στις 14 Νοεμβρη 2016, αμέσως μετά την επίθεση με χειροβομβίδα στη γαλλική πρεσβεία (10 Νοέμβρη 2016) και αναφέρεται και στις προηγούμενες ενέργειες (μεξικάνικη πρεσβεία 31 Ιούλη 2016 και ΠΑΣΟΚ 25 Μάη 2014). Μεταφράστηκε στα αγγλικά από αλληλέγγυους το Νοέμβρη του 2017, με αφορμή τις κινητοποιήσεις για τον αιχμάλωτο επαναστάτη Ζωρζ Αμπνταλά.

 Lets smash the terrorism of states and bosses.

A year has passed since the last attack of the Organization of Revolutionary Self-defense against riot cops outside the PASOK offices (6 November 2017). We publish a translation of the responsibility claim for this and the previous attack at the same place (10 January 2017). The text of the organization is an analysis on politics and strategy, a document for the continuous experience of the revolutionary class struggle. It was published (in greek) on athens.indymedia ten days after the last action. The first analytical text of the organization, "Statement of deed from The Organisation of Revolutionary Self-defense towards a new international revolutionary movement", had been published on November 14th 2016, immediately after the attack by hand grenade against the french embassy (10 November 2016) and it refers to previous attacks (mexican embassy 31st july 2016 and PASOK 25th May 2014). It was translated into english by solidarians on November 2017, on the occasion of the mobilizations for imprisoned revolutionary George Ibrahim Abdallah.

Lets smash the terrorism of states and bosses

Lets rise up against a system that is stalling its own downfall, using terrorism as its crutch.

With our first and third armed intervention, twice we acted right next to the bastards of the riot squad (MAT), demonstrating to the social movement that it must not fear them and that soon their time would come. On the 10th of January 2017 we made a first warning contact, by firing one shot at the riot van that is stationed outside the PASOK offices and two more shots that landed next to the guard. On the 6th of November we attacked this scum again.

The riot squad is the specialized tool for enforcing violence and terrorism against the social movement. They are military type units, organized and trained to attack and brutalize demonstrators, by making mass use of chemical weapons (teargas, suffocation, burning and other gases) and of shell weapons (plastic and metal bullets, teargas canisters shot from a shotgun). The number of dead and injured that have resulted from all these weapons across the planet are countless. Here we shall mention only the most renowned cases from the record of the greek democracy. In October 2011, a construction worker suffocates to death by teargas in Syntagma square. In January 2011 a woman has a miscarriage when her home in Keratea is choked in teargas. In 1991 four people die in a fire by teargas canisters in the building K.Marousi in Omonoia square. In October 1991, the offices of Polytechneio are burned by teargas canisters. On the 15th of June 2011 in Syntagma sq., the journalist Manolis Kypraios loses his ear-drum by a stun grenade during a protest. Others have had limbs severed by such weapons. In every mobilization where protesters defend their public space of protest, there are injuries from the weapons of the cops. Furthermore, the riot squad raids against demonstrations and the arrests are always accompanied with tortures and injuries, that are legitimized by all state mechanisms (police commanders, prosecutors, judges, ministers, members of parliament and journalists).

The riot squad (MAT) was formed as a unit in 1979 by the first post-dictatorship government, which took out from the shelve this plan that was originally drawn by the junta, and it assigned to the same junta executives (Ilias Psychoyios and others) the plan’s implementation. The post-dictatorship party regime had to disassociate the army from class repression, in order to restore a relative acceptance of this institution in the context of national identity and in order to dress the new regime with a look of “democratic” de-militarization. At the same time, the police force was modernized as the main mechanism of daily terrorism and military repression. The national army delivered this dirty mission to the special mercenaries of the police. Whilst the special military units and armored vehicles, which have not been designed for large concentrations of crowds, are kept for special occasions.

The main weapon of the riot squads is chemical gases. The use of an uncontrollable mass weapon signifies the anti-social purpose of this special police unit. The job of the riot cops is to break up demonstrations and to spread terror. The state’s capacity to cause pain, fear, physical and mental injury en masse, whilst keeping direct killings at a low frequency, is what gives it the advantage to enforce on a daily basis as much violence as is necessary to paralyze the social movement whilst veiling the anti-social and political consequences of this one-sided military aggression.

Everyone, even the most conservative, comprehends the anti-social nature of mass state weapons. Everyone recognizes that riot cops are trained to exercise blind violence and are nurtured as misanthrope lackeys and bloodthirsty murderers. The just popular hatred for the riot cops has been festering for 40 years now and it seeks effective ways to express itself.

Prior to taking over power, Syriza, just like Pasok before the George Papandreou term through announcements of minister Chrisochoides, stressed in their election campaign their intention to abolish chemical weapons. Naturally, no statist would ever realize this “commitment”. The capacity to use mass weapons that can be shot from a distance that secures the safety of the armed lackeys of the state, is a necessity for the regime. Only the extensive use of firearms could replace chemical weapons, invoking in this way the image of the junta. Without these weapons the cops would be incapable of facing the organized social movement and the popular uprisings. 

The greek state’s absolute dependency on international banks, which began with the Maastricht agreement and was completed with the loan-shark agreements with the IMF and the european funds ten years later, has intensified the policies of exploitation and exclusion and has veiled them with the mask of interstate relations. From 2009 onwards mass mobilizations have been taking place in resistance to this new capitalist attack, questioning in deed the domination of political institutions and attempting many times to bring it down by besieging the parliament. In this situation, the special forces for repression of protest and political action (riot squads-MAT, counter-terrorist units-EKAM, motorbike cops-DELTA, security police etc.) became the guarantor of the regime’s survival.

On the 12th of February 2012, half a million people besieged the center of Athens in an attempt to blockade the parliament, but could not withstand the chemical bombardment. The fierce battles with the state’s murderous lackeys carried on for many hours, but the crowd could not reassemble in Syntagma square. The biggest manifestation of the anti-austerity mobilizations, which was impressive as it took the streets, was unable to face the technology of war implemented by the state. When the social movement was at its broadest manifestation, the state totalitarianism and its military nature became apparent to everyone. The resistance felt the limits resulting from the absence of an all-encompassing revolutionary perspective and the limits of the unorganized insurrection.

Syriza during the pre-election period took advantage of the defeat of the social movement so as to vouch for a promise of a small relief for the poorest populations, and following the elections took advantage of this defeat in order to unblock the implementation of the endless capitalist reforms. That part of the conservative strata who had been hit by the banks and the financial policies that these impose together with the greek state, shaped the transient current that brought Syriza and Kammenos to government, because their interests coincided with the interests of a capitalist growth without re-orderings. In between the last two elections, Syriza lost from its pool of voters the small part of the working class and of the unemployed who, in conditions of impoverishment and following the defeat of the social movement, had nothing to lose in casting a vote to the possibility of some moderation in the aggression they face. After that, they also lost the middle classes who had previously lost all faith in the parties of PASOK and New Democracy.

The economic, police and ideological terrorism, which is legalized and completed by parliamentary and judicial mechanisms, is intensified day by day. The state is unable to restore any sense of social consensus. It has changed its strategy. It fortifies the oligarchic nucleus of the regime. In other words, it is offering wholehearted support to the business elite, total freedom to the bosses’ arbitrary practices and terrorism, total subordination to international monetary and technocratic cadres, preemptive repression against the oppressed, immediate annihilation of resistance by murderous means and prisons, legalization to minority governments.

We said it also last November. Mediation has lost all credibility. Its place has been taken by the terrorist policies that want to impose class peace. The crisis of mediation has become a crisis of perspective.

The financial-political-cultural crisis is a direct expression of this domination system’s limits. It is not merely a reflection of the oligarchic management of the economy, but of the totality of class-social relations within capitalist-statist civilization. The dissolution of the democratic and social veneer of the greek state brings about the inevitable destruction of social bonds and of the economic classes that have remained attached to the patriarchal-statist model. In order for the material conditions imposed by the economic and police terrorism to be overturned, we must again become society through the self-organization of a revolutionary movement. The responsibility for this overturn is everyone’s matter, everyone who experiences modern day slavery. Only the oppressed people can change the world by taking strength into their hands.

Analysis on the fundamental lines for a revolutionary movement

In our previous statement, “Towards the construction of a revolutionary movement that will bring down the domination of state and capital”, we delineated the main points of reference for an international revolutionary movement built on steady bases. The fundamental lines are the following three:

A. The revolutionary movement of our times should and must be anti-statist and must aim directly at the overthrow of the political-military and financial regime, the overthrow of state institutions and the uprooting of mechanisms of authority. The self interest, the violence and hypocrisy of every political and economic power today are evident to all class oppressed people. Social demands call for the immediate dissolution of the state.

The overthrow of the political-military and financial regime is not a long term and abstract goal. Every fighter must struggle for this goal daily. He/she must strive for it with every political intervention and even more so put into practice the revolutionary ways of organization and action inside the work spaces, the grass roots trade unions and assemblies, in the neighborhoods, in people’s assemblies, in self organized social structures and thematic collectives, in the dialogue and organizational procedures of the anti-state anti-capitalist movement. Those who recognize but avoid this fundamental socio-political responsibility betray the oppressed, justify state terrorism and in the end succumb to reformism.

B. The revolutionary movement of our times should and must aim directly at the socialization of all wealth through armed communes that should and must be established today by the revolutionary action of labor and community assemblies.

The particular form of state socialism, which is summed up in: “first political domination, then social revolution”, has met its historical demise, having resulted in irreversible recoils. We analyzed this in our previous statement. Today, in this phase of dissolution of political mediation as an expression of the systemic crisis, no political change is possible without a social revolution. Not even as a farse. From the windows of Parliament, Vasilis Leventis (the greek parliament’s clown) gazes at the left opposition.

Today, the overthrow of the political-military regime can only be realized by a social movement that will reject any political mediation and will construct its open federal structures on the basis of the immediate overthrow of the economic regime, by imposing social terms against the interests of the bosses and by the re-appropriation of social wealth. In this daily revolutionary struggle, the confrontation with the mechanisms of repression cannot be postponed until the general insurrection, neither can it be seen as small-scale political subversion or cultural critique for propaganda purposes. Self-organization of the confrontation must aim at pushing back exploitation and control, it must also reinforce the self-defense of the social movement and of all its advances. Fighters have the socio-political duty to transfuse class and social resistances with the paradigm of direct counterattack against the political-military and economic regime and with the experience which conveys that we can crush terrorism and its domination. At the same time they must transfuse the struggles with the ideas, the values, the methods and the experience of libertarian communalism and of universal federalism.

C. Today, it is necessary and feasible to diffuse the revolutionary self-organization to the great mass of the exploited and of the excluded. It is necessary and feasible to implement social self-direction here and now.

The fixed relations of exploitation is a dual exclusion. The real face of property is economic exclusion, which doesn’t begin with consumption but with production. Behind the unequal distribution of social resources is the directorial control. All forms of exclusion stem from the authority of the political and technocratic oligarchy. All forms of mediation, through assigning political and technical decisions to experts, beget exploitation.

Immediate social self-direction is the vision that defines the material base of the anti-capitalist revolution. This vision is realized here and now through the self-organization of resistance and the undertaking of social matters through the open assemblies of the anti-statist class-social movement.

Exclusion today is not something that concerns merely a class minority. It is becoming generalized and is many-fold. Economic exclusion today is obliterating, because of the downright degradation of labor value, of the expansive unemployment, of the prevalence of semi-unemployment over working conditions, of the dismantling of social provisions, of artificially high cost of living, of the extortionate taxation measures, of the criminalization of poverty and of migrant populations, who comprise the largest part of the working base.

Exclusion is also political. The political parties of the greek democracy are incapable of bridging even their own bourgeois interests. Bourgeois institutions represent only the very few whose privileges are dependent on the survival of state control and specifically of the party political system, thus excluding everyone else. On the other side of this border, political exclusion is supplemented by the repression of resistance and of self-organization.

Exclusion, in other words power relations, become absolute when public discourse, the arts and memory are occupied by the language, the aesthetic and the narratives of domination. The dissolution of the collective revolutionary history and the purification of the social field entrap popular expression into self-destructive whirlpools. The cultural crisis of capitalism dominates every aspect of life. In todays conditions of generalized antagonism-cannibalism, the state and capital no longer have any leeway for assimilation and cannot create any social vision. There is no room for living within relations of discipline any longer.

The founding acts of social self-direction are the rejection of dominant values, the immediate destruction of tyrannical structures and the subversion of the system’s narratives. In this creative play, revolutionary values that have been exploited and incorporated by power also come into question. The ideas shaped by the social insurrection are surely full of contradictions, since they first speak about the endless contrasts and contradictions of the capitalist system.

The struggle towards partially lifting the different forms of exclusion is a matter of survival for the oppressed. Confrontation in the field of social life is necessary and it can be victorious when the hostile nature of political mediation is understood as such. However it is not enough to discover self-organization. We must also breach the forms of exclusion that divide the oppressed and the social movement. Liberated is the one who through their generous participation in the revolutionary struggle creates and arms the collective identity of struggle. For the social movement to have strength, for the revolutionary current to be reinforced, we must agree on this simple and transparent position, born out of the vigorous struggle and its heavy cost: The state dismantles social solidarity, revolutionary solidarity is the core of the struggle, social revolution is the triumph of solidarity.

The overthrow of the political-military regime as a focal point of the destruction of power structures, will be achieved by a movement that makes revolutionary changes in the ways it organizes and expresses social war and life. When social advances are thriving and the movement is strong, this reflects the revolutionary work that has been going on all this time. When poverty thrives and the state seems all-mighty, this reflects the deficit in revolutionary initiative, in unity and organization, deficit in social morals.

These three basic directions for an international revolutionary movement are a consequence of the goal to liberate humanity from political slavery, exploitation and every from of exclusion. The three directions comprise a unity from the outset. Each one exists within the others and is a result of them. They will strengthen together or the revolutionary movement will not evolve.

The catalyst of the revolutionary movement is direct revolutionary action. Direct action socially and militantly and at the same time upgrade of combative organization, of its weapons and tactics. This is the most fundamental consistency to the goal of social revolution.

Sand to the wheels of the revolutionary movement

The conservative propaganda against armed struggle tries to hide itself behind theoretical tricks. The obscene pacifism that offers tolerance to state terrorism in order to preserve the notion of “non-violence” is masquerading itself. This same obscene pacifism that offers tolerance to the torture of sixteen year old protesters, to the drowning of uprooted children in the Aegean sea, to the brutal murders inside police stations and to the deadly conditions inside prisons and concentration camps, says that we don’t have the moral right to fight back, but only to defend ourselves. The advocates of passivity know very well that in class conflict , which is not defined by the exceptions of personal sensitivity and remorse, there is no effective defense without counter-attack. State totalitarianism leaves no room for passive defense. Shying away from confrontation surrenders the ground to state murderers, offering the greatest bourgeois value: indifference.

Those same pharisees denounce attributing collective responsibility and the practice of revenge. They remember this only when the weak strike. While when the political and economic oligarchy strikes in order to ensure its terrorist domination, those same pharisees assign the popular demand for justice to the state institutions, the penal system of the rulers and the impersonal irresponsibility of state mechanisms. The bosses and their organs are well aware of their responsibilities. They are well aware that by their participation in the system of power they take the responsibility of perpetuating this system, regardless of each one’s initiatives. The scum who man the political, economic, military and ideological mechanisms of terrorism assume the risk of getting attacked by the resistance, because they think the system will survive and that they themselves will be able to hide behind the security of its mechanisms for as long as they look out for their own ass. Hits against the mechanisms scare them.

One simple example: Last November, following the attack against the french embassy, the Organization for Revolutionary Self-Defense noted that “the extortionate temporary kidnappings of political fighters by the security police forces are still going on” and that “particularly during days of mass mobilization such as the anniversary of the Polytechneio revolt, such state kidnappings take place on a mass scale”. This reference in combination with the action of an organization of armed resistance, was enough to deter this junta practice during the days of the anniversary of Polytechneio and of the murder of Alexis Grigoropoulos. The state mechanism is aware of the fact that the threat of counterattack concerns this mechanism as a unity. It is also aware of the social dynamic of direct action. When a weapon is raised, hundreds more hands are willing and can raise it again.

Lets go back a bit. This same obscene capitulation with the regime of terrorism says that armed struggle is premature and a dead end when it comes up against a parliamentary system. These lackeys of parliamentarism supported Syriza, paving its way towards the expansion of the repressive armory against political and social prisoners, its way towards new memorandum agreements, its way towards nationalism and the upgrading of its alliances with the slaughterer islraeli state. Today that the political system has lost all credibility, carrying away with it in its demise all pacifist illusions, where else is the desperation of the oppressed to gather strength from, if not from the armed resistance that gives the living example of feasibility for the prospect of a society without state dictatorship and exploitation? No one would believe that a movement can bring on the day when we nail to the cross all fierce exploiters and shameless politicians had the flag of armed resistance not been kept up in times of democratic illusions.

The most obscene of all slanderers of armed struggle are the pretend libertarians who denounce armed resistance as a ‘vanguard’ outside of the social movement. By characterizing every armed initiative and organization as “from outside” or “from above”, they admit that they aspire to a disarmed and passive social movement. They are no different to the mainstream left who separate armed resistance from the mass movement, characterizing it as “individual terrorism”, only to conclude that the movement is not ready and that it is the oppressed people’s own fault that they have no class consciousness. With a marxist veneer the revolutionary diversion from the conformist party “avant guard” is targeted. With a libertarian veneer the “armed avant guard” is targeted. It is one and the same. They are worried that they lose their role as front men, because when the social movement becomes stronger it rids itself of conservative instructors.

What is the strategy corresponds to the political aim of the construction of a revolutionary movement

One year ago we proclaimed the focal strategic direction: Construction of the broad armed social resistance.

We need to look critically at and leave behind all the past dogmas that in theory proclaim revolution, but in practice they move in the opposite direction. The main problem is isolation , which sacrifices the prospect in the name of security and ideological purity. Groups based on ideological agreements cannot broaden social resistance. Political organization have the responsibility to take initiatives towards the organization of revolutionary bases. Revolutionaries are not elite. They live and they organize resistance inside society’s contradictions.

No matter how active isolated cells may be, they cannot upgrade the resistance. No matter the damage to the enemy one strike may cause, its aim must be the broad revolutionary self-organization.

Propaganda through deed is only one characteristic of the action. All groups that have elevated this component to a main goal have not made any steps forward towards the construction of a revolutionary movement. Direct action is a paradigm of might against the terrorism of the state and the bosses. However, the paradigm of direct action is not a revolutionary plan in and of itself. This form of political propaganda is used also by reformist organizations, in some cases in a centralized manner and in other cases against the autonomy of the social movement. Direct participation in the struggles given everyday, in the mass organization of active resistance, in the spreading of armed struggle, in the outbreak and strengthening of insurrections, is what characterizes revolutionary action.

It doesn’t help to blame those obscene pacifist who in an attempt to strip armed struggle of its value they try to impose the separation between armed and social. It is not a revolutionary stance to expect that the conservative will change their positions. Rebel organizations assume the responsibility to offer a revolutionary proposal, as well as the experience and the tools of armed struggle inside the social fields of struggle. This is how they serve the goal of social revolution, sending a direct blow to the pacifists’ pseudo socialism.

The Organization for Revolutionary Self-Defense is fighting for the construction of the broad armed social resistance in two ways: One, by direct response up against the terrorism of the state and bosses, with any forces that have organized. And, two, by bringing armed struggle into the fronts of social struggle.

All actions of the Revolutionary Self-defense until today have been direct responses. We attacked PASOK, which had been in a coalition government with New Democracy, on the eve of the voting for the legislation for the type C (high security-isolation) prisons, on the day of the euro-elections of 2014. We attacked against specific plans to upgrade the conditions of isolation of political and undisciplined prisoners. We chose that day to attack the hypocrisy of bourgeois democracy.

We attacked the building of the mexican embassy in response to the operation of armed repression of the revolt of the education workers in Oaxaca in June 2016, an operation which left dozens of dead and missing and hundreds of wounded. We send a first message for the tortures, the rapes, the murders and disappearances, which are daily practices of the mexican state.

We attacked the french embassy in response to the month-long attempted operation to evacuate the huge refugee community in Calais by military means. Also in response to the repression of the social revolt against the new anti-labor laws in the summer of 2016, which were hit with chemical warfare, plastic bullets, mass arrests and tortures, and which left hundreds injured. Also in response to the continuation of the detention of the lebanese fighter Zorz Ibrahim Abdalah who still remains in french prisons since 1984, following a barrage of attacks against the american and israeli state, whilst according to french law he should have been released in 1999. To be precise, we attacked the guard of the french embassy, thus putting to practice the words “the savagery of the organs of authority will be crushed under the power of the weapons of resistance”.

We attacked a van of riot police in Exarchia in January (2016), in response to the repression of the demonstration against the president of the U.S. and the police invasion of Exarchia on the anniversary of the state killing of Alexandros Grigoropoulos. An attack against the riot police was a popular demand in December. The people who honored Grigoropoulos on the barricades yelled at the murderers in uniform that “the Revolutionary Self-Defense is coming”. Our Organization could not but respond to this popular call. The Organization of Revolutionary Self-Defense serves the social need for direct answers to the violence of the exploiters and their organs.

With the attach against the cops that guard the french embassy and the attack against the van of riot police we took a first step in implementing the words “A hand grenade for every teargas. Two bullets for every cop or fascist who strikes a blow.” Our attack was carried out one week after the arrest of the anarchist guerillas Pola Roupa and Constandina Athanasopoulou, members of the organization Revolutionary Struggle, thus showing that state terrorism cannot bend the revolutionary fight.

Since last December (2016) until today, the state has intensified policing and the brutality of its attacks, because it fails to crush the restless youth who clash with the murderers of the riot cops. The state tortures, injures and imprisons young and poor people. It bombards Exarchia with chemicals daily, as is reported by the assemblies of resisting residents. The recent attack against the riot cops is a response to the attempted repression of the antifascist mobilizations on the anniversary of Pavlos Fyssas and of the mobilizations that followed.

We attacked a second time the same police post and a third time at the same spot, at the PASOK building, at the time when the rot of the party political left-center-right were conducting yet another show of rebirth, so as to demonstrate that armed resistance remains on the social fronts until the crushing of state terrorism, until the victory of every struggle.

The armed guards of exploitation who came under our fire had luck on their side both times. At the recent attack the reflexes of the cop who bend down at the moment when the comrade of the Organization pulled the trigger, saved him and his team. We didn’t have the time to reposition ourselves so as to strike again where they would have no cover. Nor could we fire a barrage of shots betting on the chance that some would hit the target. The action required surgical precision, because it was synchronized with the traffic lights and the absence of pedestrians and cars from the place of the attack.

We have said that the tactics we choose correspond to the political target. The Organization for Revolutionary Self-Defense is prepared to use all the different rebel tactics. We could have hit the torturers of the riot police from a greater distance or we could strike with total safety at a time when the riot van would be in motion or we could find the most isolated riot cop by lucky chance. Such opportunities always exist. We do not underestimate the potential of catching the enemy off guard or of trapping them and we will not deny ourselves such opportunities. No respect is due to these antisocial wretches.

However, we chose to strike twice at the place where a riot unit is stationed and is the most on its guard, protected by heavily armored vehicles and security police. We attacked face front where the broad resistance to police terrorism is expressed most widely and most frequently. Because we wanted to demonstrate in deed once again what we had said after the attack against the french embassy: The armies of the bosses are powerless vis a vis the storming rage of the revolted. Armed social resistance can shatter the clay legs of the state.

The regime’s mass media made a hasty and low profile reference to the recent attack, instead of going haywire “against violence and terrorism”, like they usually do. Since no blood was spilled they could keep this event quiet. Why? Because the state understands that the Organization for Revolutionary Self-Defense does not open an issue in order to reap benefits from it and then abandon it. They know that resistance will have the last word. They know that luck cannot guarantee their domination. They know that every reference to an Organization that insists on its targets, make it stronger. A weapon was raised and hundreds more have the desire and will to raise it again.

As a consequence of our basic directions towards an international revolutionary movement on steady bases, armed struggle can and should be expressed through social fronts. We fight for revolutionary self-organization. We will not catch our fellow fighters off guard. We don not wish to dominate the struggles. We shape our steps through an ongoing dialogue inside communities of resistance.

We are preparing the moment when the broad movement will embrace armed resistance, by putting our strength towards the broad movement.

Participation of the movement in armed resistance forms the basis for the most direct defense of its struggles. For this reason we return the invitation in deed to all those who struggle and we share the responsibility. To support armed resistance. To join the school of rebel resistance. To organize new action cells. We will stand beside them. To take into their own hands the prospect of the revolutionary movement that will abolish the domination of state and capital. Together we shall crush the bosses.

What does class conflict call for today.

When we say victory to the struggles of the oppressed, we commit ourselves to opening up the potential towards this goal. When we say social emancipation from class oppression, the crushing of the state’s and the bosses’ terrorism must be a direct goal.

We point our weapons at the war that the state is waging that brings on the impoverishment of the exploited people and that takes away survival means from the excluded ones. This is why it is an imperative necessity of life to organize today the armed social resistance.

This war waged by authority takes the form of generalized economic terrorism, protected by the police and the judicial mechanism. The clamp of economic terrorism and imprisonment is a system of war. It measures deaths and starvation as percentages and ravaged lands as regions for investment opportunities. It counts all those incarcerated in prisons and concentration camps as captives of class antagonism.

The colonial war within borders serves to alienate space and to persecute practices for social survival. Order, gentrification and hygienics are the flags of class annihilation. Projects of urban development, supplemented by the creation of exclusion zones, are based on the widespread and constant military occupation of public space. Mobile units of security police and murderers on motorbikes and jeeps sweep the streets so as to enforce generalized submission. Their armed attire, their threatening glances and the offense to the dignity of persons who do not fit dominant standards, with bodily searches, cursing and arrests, are all here to impose the line between which expressions, motions and words are accepted and which are forbidden.

Class conflict unfolds every day on every street. Armed social resistance should strive for the neutralization of daily police terrorism and the disarmament of its instruments by the movement. We shall prune them down round every corner, just like we have been taught by the methods of terrorism that the state implements on us. We shall re-occupy the space by organizing communities of resistance, solidarity and freedom.

In the past year a struggle is going on against electronic control in public transport which will bring about an even worse exploitation of impoverished passengers and the totalitarian exclusion of the economically excluded people. We will not let public transport become the ownership of some privileged few. We will not let out neighborhoods become like security wings of a grand prison. Revolutionaries do not stand by gazing at history. They change it. We will not abandon public resources, until their socialization by the armed assemblies of people’s communities and of workers. We do not forget Thanasis Kanaoutis, who was murdered on the 13th of August 2013 by the headhunters of the Transport Company of Athens (OASA). The Organization for Revolutionary Self Defense will reinforce the resistance that springs up against the financial and police utilization of public transport. We call on the workers of this sector to stand together with the passengers, honoring the victories of the workers movement.

In this past 20 years of bourgeois modernization, the terrorism of the bosses has become unharnessed. Gangster-contractors of wage slavery impose extortionate conditions of impoverishment and strike every initiative of workers organization in big private and state enterprises. Big and small bosses aim to criminalize the resistances of the grassroots workers’ organization with the help of the police and judicial mechanism. In the past period, the security police is methodically trying to criminalize grassroots trade-unionism. The ones responsible for this junta policy of repression are the labor and public order ministers, the prime-minister and their political party and every boss who invests in the courts and the police.

The anti-labor repression has jumped to the next phase from the systemic assimilation of trade-unionism. It has moved on to a new phase of employer totalitarianism, like the one it implemented at the dawn of capitalism. Legal forms of struggle no longer have any power. They have shrunk and they are disappearing. Bargaining done by all sorts of political leaders is a thing of the past. Workers’ struggle must be rebuilt on revolutionary grounds. With weapons at hand. With the aim to destroy the capitalist system and the states. By self-organization and direct socialization. Every fighter worker must struggle for this cause within his/her work space and sector. Armed organizations bear, according to their revolutionary cause, the responsibility to strengthen militant struggles.

The Organization for Revolutionary Self Defense points its weapons at the structures that criminalize the survival and existence of the weakest. It points at the judicial institutions and their organs, prisons and concentration camps. We are working to come closer to the struggles of social prisoners, such as the month long fight now taking place against the new prison code. We are working to come closer to the resistances of incarcerated migrants, together to bring an end to the tortures, to vindictive detentions and to ethnic divisions.

The political and financial oligarchy criminalize social solidarity and then invade and pillage its infrastructures. In July ‘16 three housing squats in Thessaloníki were evacuated, two more were evacuated in January ‘17 in Athens, followed by the evacuation of the old Helliniko airport for the benefit of the giant investment plan of head-gangster Latsis. Every single one of the bosses who attack hubs of self-organization and solidarity and who grab from the survival resources of the excluded people, is our target. Businesses, the church, state executives, university lackeys etc, they will all pay. We do not forget, we do not forgive the blackmailers, the invaders and the exploiters.

We wrote above that we chose to strike twice at the place where the broad resistance to police terrorism is expressed broadly and most frequently. Exarchia is a hub for the struggle taking place in the center of the greek state. The reactionary forces of the regime are frantically trying to erode and terrorize social hubs of resistance so as to pacify them, to deconstruct them and to assimilate them. For this reason they push private interest and their protectors, drug dealers and their political lackeys.

As part of the world of solidarity, the Organization for Revolutionary Self-defense defends centers of struggle against police and para-state terrorism, against processes of alienation and a turn to fascism. Embracing all those who have nothing to lose, the real proletariat, which social democracy named lumpen so as to slander it, we target all the mechanisms of class control. We will make every corner of this country Exarchia. With weapons at hand, we will sow in the neighborhoods the social bases of revolution against state and capital.

Revolutionaries hurt and are enraged alongside the youth when student occupations are criminalized. When the youth suffocate under daily police control, systematic imposition and subordination. When the state attempts to drown their rage in chemicals and beatings. Armed organizations bear the responsibility to arm the desperation and the hopes of the fighting youth.

Lets organize a sentry in every neighborhood.

43 years of veiled dictatorship, all masks are worn out.

We rise up, we organize, we arm ourselves to crush the masters.

Post script for the comrades on the trenches:

We express our solidarity to the captive rebels of the organization Revolutionary Struggle, Pola Roupa and Nikos Maziotis and the hunger strike they are carrying out against the policies for their extermination. Their struggle for social revolution will be victorious.

We express our solidarity to every collective force that gives life to the message of November, in conflict with the systemic forces and with capitulation. Against the terrorism of the state and bosses.

 

Organization for Revolutionary Self-defense

November 2017

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